Abstract
Participatory planning is widely promoted to restore democratic legitimacy and inclusion. Based on interviews in marginalised neighbourhoods in Bogotá and Medellín, Colombia, this paper shows that, while participatory planning can generate neighbourhood upgrades, limited flexibility and participation made citizens feel marginalised and dependent rather than included and empowered. Participants felt discriminated against based on income and challenged expectations of compliance and gratefulness. The potential causes for conflict and misunderstanding highlighted in this paper have relevance for participatory planning strategies that seek to include previously marginalised neighbourhoods and their residents into the social and physical fabric of the city.
Acknowledgements
I thank the interviewees for participating in this research and for sharing their experiences with me. I am thankful to Clemencia Escallon and Luis Dapena who welcomed me to Universidad de los Andes and Universidad Nacional de Colombia and shared insight into local institutions and context. IDPAC and EDU staff helped with explanations of their programs and approach and they introduced me to community leaders. As an early career academic I am indebted to many fellow scholars for their support. I conducted this research as part of my master degree at the University of Groningen and I particularly wish to thank Bettina van Hoven for her generous supervision and Marijke Martin for inspiration to develop this project. I would like to thank Chris Gibson, Theresa Harada and Uma Kothari for their encouraging feedback on previous drafts. I also thank the reviewers and editors who have been involved in strengthening this manuscript.
Notes
1. For administrative purposes Colombian neighbourhoods are categorised along a socio-economical stratification scale ranging from one (‘low-low’) to six (‘high’). Each urban block is stratified based on the quality of the real estate, the urban environment in general, and the presence of public services in the neighbourhood. Stratification dictates whether public services are taxed or subsidized, with residents in stratification one to three receiving subsidies, and residents in stratifications five and six paying service fees. The scale also allows governments to identify the marginalised areas of cities and focus on diminishing inequalities between areas (Vásquez, Citation2013). The case studies were located in neighbourhoods classified as the lower socio-economic stratifications one and two.
2. OPC used existing neighbourhood committees called Juntas de Acción Communal (JACs) to manage citizen participation. JACs were conceived in the 1950s in an attempt to bridge the gap between politics and citizenry (for further discussion of JACs and OPC see Hernández-García, Citation2013). Although many were undermined by corruption they are still active, albeit with less power and with varying degrees of democracy and success (Velásquez & González, Citation2003).