Colonialism, migration and intergroup relations in Africa: The Igbo and their Southern Cameroon neighbours, 1916-2014

Abstract Migration has been an inseparable and indispensable part of the history of the Igbo nation. However, the nature, dynamics, and drivers of migration among the Igbo significantly altered since colonial era. Scholars have interrogated aspects of migration and its impact on the Igbo nation. Not many studies; however, have interrogated Igbo migration into Cameroon as well as the Igbo-Cameroon Intergroup relations during the period under review. This paper, therefore, examines the drivers of migration, the nature, dynamics, and impact of Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations on both groups during the period under review. The study utilized primary and secondary sources while thematic, historical descriptive and analytical approaches were employed in the analysis of its data. The study reveals that colonialism impacts the nature of migration among the Igbo, particularly, from the 20th century up to the mid-20th century.


Background to the study
Migration and Intergroup relations in Africa, undoubtedly, preceded European imperialism in Africa.Historical, socio-economic ties, geographical proximity, wars, and migration, among others, facilitated intergroup contact and relations in the pre-colonial era.Intergroup relations between the Igbo and ethnic nationalities in Cameroon occasioned by migration date back to the precolonial era.Fah Fombo (2006, p. 68) for instance, observes that the Cross River, Calabar River, and Ndian River, since pre-colonial times, were regions for fishing and lucrative commerce in palm oil between ethnic groups from Cameroon and the Igbo-dominated Eastern Nigeria.Similarly, James Blackwell ((2020: 91-93) posits that the Igbo and Ibibio were temporary residents in the Río del Rey fishing estuaries prior to the arrival of European settlers; the River del Rey fishing estuaries, also known as Tom Shoot, functioned as the border between Calabar and Bimbia-Bakweri in Cameroon.It is pertinent to note that groups, rather than individuals, accounted for the bulk of pre-colonial migration; it was occasioned by the search for fertile land for agricultural activities, rivers and streams for fishing activities, and security from invaders, among others.
During the colonial era, the extent and character of migration in Africa were significantly altered.The colonial plantation economy, communication system, transportation system, monetization of the economy, educational, and administrative system, among others, reconstructed the traditional societies in Africa and provided the impetus for massive individual migration across the continent; thus, increasing and changing the nature of traditional intergroup relations.Okpeh O. Okpeh (2008, pp. 131-132) for instance, notes that colonial transport infrastructure opened most societies in Nigeria to the outside world, leading to increased migration and exchange of goods and services.He maintains that the monetization of the economy by the colonialist forced people to migrate as labourers to get British currency with which to pay tax, buy and sell, among other, economic activities.He also argues that the quest for education provided the platform for interaction between different ethnic groups in Nigeria and Africa in general.Those who acquired Western education had to migrate from one place to another in search of paid employment.
Undoubtedly; the Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations was given a boost during the colonial era, particularly, when Cameroon was under British mandate.There were no real boundaries between British Cameroon and Nigeria; consequently, there was a massive migration of the Igbo to British Southern Cameroon.Cameroonians also migrated to Eastern Nigeria to acquire Western education, acquire skills or learn a trade (Konings, 2005, p. 27).On the attainment of independence by Nigeria and Cameroon in 1960, the governments of both countries established diplomatic relations in November 1960.Bilateral agreements on trade, communication, transportation, technical assistance, and cooperation, among others, were signed to guide and boost diplomatic and economic relations.This further gave a boost to Igbo interactions with ethnic nationalities in Cameroon.
Scholars have interrogated aspects of Igbo migration to Cameroon; for example, Emejulu and Nwoke (2021, pp. 173-181) assess the migration of an Igbo group (Orlu) to Cameroon between 1970 and 1979 and the ordeal associated with such migration via the sea route.The work, however, focused on post-colonial Igbo-Cameroon relations as little is discussed about precolonial and colonial Igbo-Cameroon relations.Blackwell (2020) examines the history of Igbo migration to British Southern Cameroon between 1900 and 1975.The work expands the traditional historical perspectives on wage accumulation, entrepreneurship, masculinity, and family among the Igbo in Southern Cameroon.It also assessed why Igbo migrated, their dreams, successes, and challenges.The work, however, failed to discuss the impact of the Igbo on the host communities in Cameroon.Bonchuk (2000, pp. 8-14) assessed how the German, French, and British colonial policies influenced migration across the Nigeria-Cameroon boundary.He notes that the inter-colonial boundary migrations were protest movements against the German and French tyrannical systems.Migration, he contends, was also accentuated by economic motives.The work was, however, silent on the impact of such migration on intergroup relations between ethnic groups living and doing business along the Nigeria-Cameroon boundary.
In "The Igbo Identity and Its Interpretation in West Cameroon," Nwoke and Emejulu (2021, pp. 144-164) evaluate Igbo identity and intergroup relations in Cameroon.The study highlights the nature of intergroup relations between the Igbo and the host communities in Cameroon.The authors, however, focused on Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations in the post-colonial era.
Julius Amin (2020, pp. 1-22) in "Cameroon Relations towards Nigeria: A Foreign Policy of Pragmatism," examines Cameroon's foreign policy towards Nigeria, particularly, in the reunification of Cameroon, the Nigeria-Biafra war, the Bakassi Peninsular dispute, and the fight against Boko-Haram.This work shows the nature of Nigeria-Cameroon relations and what influences Cameroon disposition toward Nigerians, the Igbo inclusive.However, the major focus of the author was not the Igbo-Cameroon relations but Nigeria-Cameroon.
Okpeh O. Okpeh (2008, pp. 123-137) evaluates the pattern and dynamics of intergroup relations in pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial Nigeria.The study highlights the drivers and dynamics of migration in pre-colonial, colonial, and post-cost colonial Nigeria.Not much is said; however, about Igbo contact with ethnic nationalities in Cameroon.Bayo Lawal (2008) assesses Nigerian migrants in Cameroon and the reactions of the host communities.The paper analyzed the drivers of migration between Nigeria and Cameroon migrant groups and the nature of intergroup relations between them.Little or nothing was discussed on the impact of the contact on the groups on their host communities and vice versa.
George Njang Ndi (2011) in, "The Economic and Social History of the Igbo in Cameroon, 1961Cameroon, -2002," ," examines the economic and social history of the Igbo in Cameroon between 1961 and 2002.The work highlights the nature and dynamics of Igbo-Cameroon relations during the period under review.The author, however, focuses only on post-colonial Igbo-Cameroon relations.None of the works reviewed herein have addressed the drivers, nature, dynamics, and impact of Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations during the period under review.This lacuna is what this paper intends to fill.

Colonialism and migration in Africa: The case of Igbo and ethnic groups in Cameroon
There has been a history of migration and intergroup interactions between the Igbo in Eastern Nigeria and ethnic groups in Southern Cameroon long before European colonialists imposed an international border between the two countries (Blackwell, 2020, p. 3).With the end of World War One and Germany's defeat, France and Britain were given Cameroon under the terms of the 1916 London Agreement.British Cameroon was partitioned into two sections in 1922; the northern portion became the Northern Province of Nigeria, while the southern portion was managed as the Southern Province of Nigeria and later, as Eastern Province of Nigeria (Ngoh, 1979, p. 77).Konings argues that the Igbo migrated in great numbers to Southern Cameroon sequel to the incorporation and administration of Southern Cameroon as a part of Eastern Nigeria.He summarised his thought thus: There was growing migration of Eastern Nigerians, particularly, the Igbo, to the "greener pastures" in Southern Cameroons.Migration became instrumental in escaping from widespread land scarcity in their densely populated area and in providing necessary manpower and trading circuit in the underdeveloped Southern Cameroon, often encouraged by the colonial authority.(2005:279) The Eastern Province of Nigeria may have been densely populated, the colonial socio-economic and administrative system, however, provides the major drivers for the massive migration of the Igbo into Southern Cameroon, rather, than the need to escape widespread land scarcity as postulated by Piet Konings.The success of the plantation economy inherited by the British from the Germans was incumbent on the availability of cheap and unskilled migrant labour; the British Cameroon population was, however, insufficient to provide the required labour force.Also, Southern Cameroonians, particularly, the Bakweri were opposed to working on the plantation, insisting that their lands be returned to them (Bonchuk, 2000, p. 11).
In addition to the low population of indigenous labour in Cameroon, the British colonial officials had a negative perception of the Southern Cameroonians.They often referred to the people of the Kumba Division as "slothful," "shiftless," "lazy" and "indolent" (Bonchuk, 2000, p. 12).Such kinds of people were not an asset to the colonial system.As a result; the colonial authority came to depend on migrant labour.In addition to the above, Blackwell (2020, p. 50) notes that during the course of WWI, the majority of labourers working in the plantations in Cameroon fled.Many refused to return to the plantation after the war due to the abuse inflicted on them by the Germans.This abuse made them develop negative perceptions about working in the plantation.Hence, their lacklustre attitude to working on colonial plantations.
Owing to inadequate labour supply to the plantations, the Governor General of British Cameroon, on NaN Invalid Date NaN, sent a memo to Nigeria requesting labourers.Part of the memo reads, "Two thousand are most urgently required for the plantation in Cameroons.The plantations are valued at one or two (or more) million sterling and it is necessary to keep them from utter destruction" (National Archive Enugu, CAL PROOF 5.6.242).Sequel to this, the Secretary of the Southern Province, on NaN Invalid Date NaN, dispatched between 500 and 600 labourers (National Archive Enugu, B. 1109/16).Similarly, on NaN Invalid Date NaN, additional 600 labourers from Owerri Province were sent to Cameroon (Administration of Fishing Towns, Victoria Division, Cameroon Province, National Archive Enugu, CSE, 1109/16).This marked the beginning of the circulatory migration of Nigerians, particularly, the Igbo to Southern Cameroon.The Igbo seemed to have capitalised on this opportunity to massively migrate to Cameroon.Baderman notes that by 1927, of the 10, 542 plantation labourers working in Victoria Division, the indigenous people were 732.Similarly, of the 16, 285 labour forces at CDC in 1959, over 70% were migrants' labourers (Bederman, 1966: 357).Bayo Lawal (2008) notes that by 1952, out of the 61, 700 Nigerians in British Cameroon 25,800 were Igbo while Yoruba were 900, Ibibio were 10,300, Ijaw were 5800, 1700 Tiv, among others.
Apart from the need to augment plantation labour, the expulsion of German traders from Cameroon after WWI created a vacuum in British Cameroon.Nigerians, particularly, the Igbo, due to their trading acumen and technical skill, maximised these opportunities.Thus, leading to massive migration of Igbo traders, tailors, blacksmiths, welders, shoemakers, and mechanics, among others to British Cameroon (Bayo, 2008).It is logical, from the foregoing, to infer that the British quest for cheap labour and the economic opportunities created by the exit of the Germans triggered the massive Igbo migration to Southern Cameroon, rather, than their desire to escape land scarcity as postulated by Piet Konings.
In addition to the quest for colonial plantation labour; the colonial administrative and educational system was another major driver of the Igbo migration to Cameroon.The British, on acquiring Cameroon in 1916, paid little or no attention to the development of education in the area.It was not until 1939, twenty years thereafter that the Roman Catholic Mission established its first secondary school, St. Joseph's College in Sasse, Victoria (Blackwell, 2020, p. 122).On the eve of Cameroon's independence in 1961, Victor Ngoh (1979, p. 79) notes that there was no secondary school in British Cameroon except those provided by the missionaries.
With little or no trained Cameroonian personnel, the British colonial authority "imported" many Nigerian administrators, many of whom were Igbo to Cameroon.Among these officials were police officers, prison warders, soldiers, customs officers, teachers, and clerks, among others (Ndi, 2011, p. 5).It is pertinent to note that having embraced Western education early enough, the Igbo had a substantial population in colonial civil service that were posted to serve in different parts of Nigeria and British Cameroon.Thus, civil servants of Igbo extraction from Ogidi, Owerri, Okigwe, Calabar, Onitsha, and Asaba found their way to Tiko, Buea, Kumba, and Victoria, all in Southern Cameroon (Blackwell, 2020, p. 120).
Similarly, colonial transport and communication infrastructure greatly influenced the migration of Igbo to Cameroon during the colonial era.Apart from the rail and road infrastructure provided by the British, the development of ports in Victoria and Tiko in British Cameroon connected the Nigerian ports in Lagos, Port Harcourt, and Calabar by waterway.By 1947, the West Africa Air Corporation inaugurated flights between the Nigeria and Cameroon provinces.Similarly, wireless telegraph services connecting Lagos, Bamenda, Mamfe, Enugu, Buea, Garoua, and Yola were put in place (Bayo, 2008:93-94).These transport and communication infrastructures not only facilitated import and export trade by the Igbo and groups in Cameroon, but facilitated migration in both directions.
It is pertinent to note at this point that this migration was not one-sided as they were hundreds of Cameroonians that also migrated to Igboland.Piet Konings (2005, p. 281) notes that the majority of these Cameroonian migrants were mostly students, teachers, journalists, businessmen, employees of firms in Nigeria, and petty traders, among others.Many of these Cameroonian migrants migrated to Igbo-dominated Eastern Nigeria to acquire Western education, acquire skills, or learn a trade.By 1921, it was noted that there were 474 Cameroonians in 7 Southern Nigerian towns; 294 were in Calabar, 90 in Ogoja, and 60 in Owerri.Others settled in Onitsha, Abeokuta, and Lagos (Bayo, 2008:93).(Molokwu & Uchime 20,202:91).These bilateral accords promoted social and economic connection between inhabitants of the two countries, including the Igbo.One major factor, however, that propelled massive migration of the Igbo to Cameroon in the postcolonial era was the Nigeria-Biafra war of 1967-70.The devastation of Igboland occasioned by the Nigeria-Biafra War, the somewhat lacklustre disposition of the federal government towards the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the now-defunct Biafra Republic, and the harsh treatment meted to the Igbo after the war, prompted many of them, in a bid to survive, to migrated en masse to different parts of the country and beyond (Kanu, 2019, p. 38).Owing to these, Nwoke and Emejulu (2021, p. 145) note that the Igbo massively migrated to Cameroonian towns such as Tiko, Kumba, Victoria, Ekondi titi, Ekona, and Mbonge, among others.Since the end of the Nigerian civil war, Igbo migration to Cameroon has been sustained regardless of the abuse suffered at the hands of state authorities, security agents, and Cameroonian citizens.
From the foregoing, we conclude that geographical proximity, historical, socio-economic, and political ties were the major drivers of Igbo migration to Cameroon and vice versa during the precolonial era.The socio-economic, administrative, and political system instituted by the British colonialist between 1916 and 1960 furthered migration and intergroup relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Cameroon.This relation had been sustained in even post-colonial times.

Nature and dynamics of Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations up to 2014
Studies have shown that long before the imposition of colonial domination and the establishment of an international border between Nigeria and Cameroon, that, there exists a history of intergroup relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Southern Cameroon occasioned by historical, socio-economic ties, geographical proximity, and migration (Blackwell, 2020, Meagher (2009).The incorporation and administration of British Southern Cameroon as part of the Southern Province, and later, Eastern Province of Nigeria as well as the British colonial labour policies, monetization of the economy, colonial communication and transportation system, education, and administrative system furthered and fostered these relations during the colonial era.
Between 1916 and 1960, a large population of Igbo migrated to work in colonial plantations in Southern Cameroon, many others ventured into small-scale enterprises such as restaurant business, trading, transportation business, tailoring, shoemaking, blacksmith, welding, and farming, among others (Konings, 2005, p. 280).Similarly, a host of civil servants of Igbo extraction from Ogidi, Owerri, Okigwe, Onitsha, Asaba, Calabar, and Port-Harcourt, among others, found their way to Southern Cameroon towns of Tiko, Buea, Kumba, and Victoria (Blackwell, 2020, p. 120).Many of these Igbo migrants held the majority of the white-collar supervisory and management posts in the government service and the plantations in British Southern Cameroon (Konings, 2005, p. 280).The Igbo, with time, dominated both the public and economic life of Southern Cameroon (Weis, 1980, p. 91).This was made possible because of their earlier acquisition of Western education, business acumen, and group-centric approach to business (Konings, 2005, p. 277).
This migration, it is pertinent to note, is not one-sided as there were many Cameroonians that migrated to Igbo towns.Bolak Funteh (2015, pp. 30-31) notes that a significant number of Southern Cameroonian citizens moved to Eastern Nigeria in the 1940s to take advantage of the better developed social and political prospects offered by Nigerian society.The majority of Cameroonian migrants during this time were traders, businesspeople and women, students, journalists, government workers, and employees of Nigerian companies.Many administrators, teachers, and clerical staff of Southern Cameroon extraction were trained in Eastern Nigeria, especially, at the Hope Waddel Training Institute, Calabar; Government College, Umuahia; and St. Charles College, Onitsha, among others (Bayo, 2008: 90).In fact, there were more Cameroonians in Igboland than Igbo in Cameroon by 1921 (George, 1984, p. 158).
Most of the Igbo migrants to Southern Cameroon during the colonial era and in contemporary times failed to settle permanently in Cameroon.Blackwell (2020, p. 75) calls their migratory pattern "circulatory migration," which he defines as a cyclical voluntary movement of the Igbo from their hometown as youth and returns to their home of origin in old age.Most Igbo migrants in Cameroon maintained contact with their village of origin as they make periodic visits for burial, marriage, or pressing family obligations.Weis (1980, p. 92) concludes that the Igbo do not consider themselves a permanent resident; consequently, they do not apply for Cameroon citizenship.
Contrary to the postulation of Weis, the temporal residence status of most Igbo in Cameroon may not be unconnected with their inability to obtain Cameroon citizenship.This is so because the Cameroon government derived more revenue from issuing them Resident Permits.Due to this, the Resident Permit fees have been arbitrarily levied against Nigeria and the Igbo in particular.The fees rose from FRS CFA 10,000 to 200,000 and later, 130,000 following a protest at the diplomatic level (Ndi, 2011, pp. 42-45).
Since pre-colonial times, migrant groups from Nigeria and Cameroon maintained peaceful and mutual co-existence (Bayo, 2008:88).The hitherto peaceful and friendly relations between the Igbo and ethnic nationalities in Cameroon in pre-colonial times, turned sour during the colonial era owing to certain colonial-induced socio-economic and political factors.Amazee (1990, pp. 281-293) argues that the incorporation and administration of British Southern Cameroon as part of the Southern Province of Nigeria led to an intense socio-economic and political interaction between the Igbo and Cameroonians.Owing to several factors, some of which have been discussed herein, the Igbo appeared to have dominated both the public and economic space in Southern Cameroon.This domination led to resentment against the Igbo by the Cameroonians.
The Igbo and Ibibio fishermen, for instance, dominated fishing at Tom Shot (Fishing Estuaries).Following the establishment of the international boundaries by the colonialists, the fishing estuaries came under Cameroon's jurisdiction.Consequently, the Issangeli asserted ownership over the fishing towns in Akpok, Atabong East, Abana, and Atabong West; towns that were heavily populated by the Igbo and Ibibio (National Archive Enugu, CSE 1185/478).The domination of fishing activities by the Igbo and Ibibio and their refusal to pay dues to the Issangeli, over time, fostered resentment against them by the Issangeli.These ill feelings metamorphosed into Igbophobia.
Similarly, with the entrenchment of the Igbo in colonial services in Southern Cameroon, Southern Cameroonians who had acquired Western education in Nigeria, discouraged that Nigerians (Igbo) had filled their chances were not happy.This resulted in hatred for the Igbo (Blackwell, 2020, p. 122).Also, the Igbo domination of the informal economy of Southern Cameroon fostered fear, antagonism and hatred, especially, after WWII.The hatred was bolstered by domestic politics, Pan Cameroon ideology, and stranger anxiety.
According to Piet Konings (2005, p. 285), the Igbo and Nigerians appear to have benefited more from the colonial era's merger of Cameroon into Nigeria than the Cameroonians.He contends that the Igbo did not just move in large numbers to Cameroon; by the 1940s, they had taken control of the public and private sectors of the country's economy.For instance, in the early 1960s, the Igbo controlled over 85% of trade in Tiko, 75% in Kumba, and 70% in Mamie, a feat he attributed to the Igbo's earlier acquisition of Western education, business savvy, and group-centric trade approach.The Igbo dominant position in Southern Cameroon made them become an increasing target of attack by Southern Cameroonians, especially, after WWII.The Igbo were also attacked because of their stereotype as corrupt, sorcerers, cheats, cannibals, drug traffickers, and disrespectful to the local custom of their host communities, among others.This resentment resulted in the 1948 Bakweri Native Authority regulation which stipulated that: Nobody is allowed to sell his or her house to an Igbo, neither can anybody gives his or her house for rent to an Igbo.No farmland may be sold to an Igbo or rented to an Igbo.Nobody may allow an Igbo to enter any nature farm or forest for purpose of finding stick for building or for any purpose.Houses or farms already sold to an Igbo shall be purchased by the Native Authority, which they will afterward resell to some suitable person.Nobody shall trade with the Igbo for anything of value or not.All landlords must ask their Igbo tenants to quit before March 15 th , 1948.No Cameroon woman is allowed to communicate with the Igbo in any form.(Ani et al., 2018, p. 153) In response to the Bakweri declaration, the Cameroon Union, in 1848, ordered the leaders of the fishing union in Mboko, Mbone, Kongo, and Iseme not to sell fish to the Igbo (Blackwell, 2020, p. 151).The British colonial authority, however, was able to bring the situation under control.Nevertheless, it shows the nature of relations between the Igbo and groups in Cameroon during the colonial era was not a friendly one.
It is pertinent to note that Igbo domination of the political and economic space in Cameroon was the major cause of the antagonism and attacks against them in Cameroon and not their stereotyped as cheats, drug traffickers, cannibals, or sorcerers.This notion was aptly captured by Konings (2005, p. 278) when he submits that the incorporation of Southern Cameroon as part of the Eastern province of Nigeria created the impression that Igbo and Nigerians rather than the British were the colonial ruling power in Southern Cameroon.The effect, he contends, was that after WWII, nationalist agitation in Southern Cameroon was more anti-(Igbo) and anti-Nigeria than anti-British.This ill feeling was a major reason Southern Cameroon opted to reunite with French Cameroon in 1861 (Amazee, 1990).
It is imperative to note, however, that antagonism was not a one-sided thing during the colonial era as the Igbo also developed a hostile disposition towards strangers resident in their midst, the Cameroonians, inclusive.These ill feelings necessitated, for example, the formation of the Owerri Stranger Leagues (OSL) by strangers living in Owerri.On the 7 th of April, 1941, the Owerri Stranger Leagues petitioned the British Colonial District Officer, complaining of their inability to enter any forest to collect firewood owing to a bye-law by the Owerri indigene.They also alleged that the crops they planted on land leased to them were confiscated.They were equally forbidden to farm in those lands (Blackwell, 2020, pp. 116-117).
From the foregoing, we can infer that the mutual and friendly relations that existed between the Igbo and ethnic nationalities in Cameroon during the pre-colonial era were fractured by the British colonialist policies which made the Southern Cameroonian compete from a disadvantaged position in colonial political economy.The tense relations were furthered by domestic politics and Pan-Cameroon ideology.Regardless of the drivers of hostility between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Southern Cameroon, it is pertinent to note that the mutual hostility, or rather, the Southern Cameroonian hostility to Igbo was not state-sponsored during the colonial era.Similarly, the level of hostility between Igbo who lived in rural areas and urban centres also differs.The Igbo who lived in the urban towns suffered more hostility than their compatriots who lived and do business in the villages or rural areas (Ndi, 2011, p. 36).It must also be noted that relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Cameroon during the colonial era were not completely unfriendly, hostile, and antagonistic as there exist mutually friendly relations between many Igbo and groups in Southern Cameroon.
Since the independence of both countries in 1960, and despite of the numerous bilateral agreements on trade, economic, technical and cooperation signed by both countries meant to foster diplomatic, economic, trade, friendship and cooperation between Nigeria and Cameroon, the Cameroonian authority since 1961, in a bid to "Cameroonized" labour and economy, had purged the Igbo from their dominant positions both in the public and civil service in Cameroon.This is in addition to the ban place on the Igbo from participating in certain economic activities in which they hitherto hold sway.Part of the government's restrictive policies against the Igbo include the imposition of resident permits, the banning of the Igbo from the middlemen role in the cocoa, palm oil trade, and intercity taxi, the banning of the Igbo Union, and the celebration of Igbo day, among others (Weis, 1980, pp. 92-93).Similarly, Resident Permit fees have been arbitrarily levied against Nigeria and the Igbo in particular.The fees rose from FRS CFA 10,000 to 200,000 and later, 130,000 following the protest at the diplomatic level (Ndi, 2011, p. 45).The Cameroonian, it must be noted suffered punitive measures in Nigeria, for instance, in 1982 the Nigerian government expelled over 120, 000 Cameroonians from Nigeria (Ndi, 2011, p. 45).
The ban on the Igbo from participating in a certain economic venture in Cameroon as well as their purging from public and civil service in post-colonial Cameroon may not be just a punitive measure against them; it may have been done for security, strategic and national security reasons.Mberu and Pongou (2012, p. 9) argue that the ban was out of fear of economic competition and political subversion from a migrant group.The punitive and restrictive policies of the Cameroon government prompted most of the Igbo in Cameroon to venture to small-scale enterprises and trade.These have strengthened their dominance of the informal commercial sector in Cameroon.A situation that has resulted in stereotype and Igbophobic attacks on them and their business interest in Cameroon (Nwoke & Emejulu, 2021, pp. 152-158).
During the 1967-1970 Nigeria-Biafra War, President Ahidjo of Cameroon, according to Delaney (1986, p. 197), against the Cameroon foreign policy objective of non-interference and nonintervention in the internal affairs of sister countries in Africa, actively supported the Nigerian Government by ordering the blockade of Nigeria/Cameroon borders following a request from the Nigerian Government, granted the Nigerian Government permission to use its territory, particularly, the Jabane in the Bakassi Peninsula to monitor supplies entering Biafra Republic, and the banning of shipment of foodstuff, medicine, arms, and other vital supplies to Biafra via Nigeria/Cameroon border (Amin, 2020, p. 96).The active participation of President Ahidjo of Cameroon prompted the French Ambassador to have quoted that "Ahidjo had become more Nigeria than Nigerians (Torrent, 2012, p. 141).
Despite the unfriendly and antagonistic posture of the Cameroon Government under President Ahmadou Ahidjo toward the Igbo during the Nigeria civil war, the Anglophone Cameroonians' attitude to the Igbo changed from that of contempt and hostility to that of sympathy and acceptance.The change in attitude was attributed to two factors: the negative impact of the war on the Igbo and the authoritarian disposition of the Central Government of Cameroon toward the Anglophone Cameroonians (Blackwell, 2020, p. 253).
Unlike in the colonial era, hostility to the Igbo in the post-colonial era is state-sponsored as the state agents devised measures to cut down the influence of the Igbo in Cameroon.Similarly, unlike pre-colonial migrations which were usually group migrations; migrations during the colonial and post-colonial eras were usually individually based.This individually-based migration is dependent on the recruitment of relatives, i.e., nieces, nephews, cousins, sisters, and brothers, from both paternal and maternal communities (Blackwell, 2020, p. 75).
From the foregoing, the paper concludes that the nature of relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Cameroon was a mixed one; one of mutual friendliness and hostility.This notion was aptly summarised by Piet Konings (2005, p. 286), who notes that relations between the Igbo and Anglophone Cameroon were ambivalent; that there seem to be mutual relations between the Igbo and Anglophone Cameroon owing to their shared colonial heritage, historical, economic and socio-cultural ties as well as the marginalization of Anglophone Cameroon by the central government.On the other hand, there are harsh policies from the Cameroonian government against the Igbo and the Southern Cameroonians who feels that the Igbo should be brought into line whenever the need arises following the change in their status from citizens to strangers.Consequently, the Igbo had since then maintained a low profile in Cameroon unlike in the colonial era.Kanu (2019, pp. 39-40) argues that as people migrate to other places, they come in contact with the culture of other people, and there is bound to be a cultural change.He contends that through migration, the Igbo traditional paradigm, that is, the Igbo philosophy of life or framework of ideas, beliefs, and values through which the Igbo interpret the world and interact with it, is sold to the world; the Igbo language, spirit of industry, trade, survival instinct, among others, are exported to different parts of the world.Undoubtedly, the "Igbo traditional paradigm" has been exported to Cameroon since the pre-colonial era.Reaffirming this notion, Ndi (2011, p. 288) argues that the migration and implantation of the Igbo in Cameroon as well as their socio-economic activities have had a significant impact on them.No foreign ethnic group has had an impact on Cameroonians like the Igbo, he maintained.The Cameroon traditional paradigm has also been exported to Igboland due to their contact which dates back to the pre-colonial era.

The impact of Igbo-Cameroon intergroup relations
In the area of trade and commerce, Cameroonian traders gained access to the international market via their economic relations with ethnic groups from Nigeria, particularly, the Igbo.Towns such as Onitsha, Kano, Aba, and Lagos, among others, are important to Nigeria-Cameroon economic relations because most products exported to Cameroon from Nigeria come from these towns, with Onitsha having the highest share (Hoppe et al., 2013, p. 8).It is pertinent to note that Onitsha has been the major source of building materials, electronics, cosmetics and automobile spare parts to the Cameroon market while Aba is the main source of leather shoes and plastic products to the Cameroon market (Hoppe et al., 2013, p. 20).The Igbo dominates the Onitsha and Aba market and trade with Cameroon, especially at the Nigeria-Cameroon southern trading corridors since colonial times (Molokwu & Uchime, 2020, p. 99).On the other hand, Cameroon exports mainly agricultural products such as Eru, Plantain, Banana, Mango, Ogbono, and Pepper, among others, to (Igboland) Eastern Nigeria (Hoppe et al., 2013, p. 20).
The Igbo community in Southern Cameroon, undoubtedly, played a very significant role in the spread, establishment and survival of Anglican and Pentecostal churches in Cameroon (Nwoke & Emejulu, 2021, p. 152).Most Cameroonians, particularly, those in West Cameroon were mostly Catholics, Baptists, and Presbyterians.The Igbo played a significant role in the infiltration and proliferation of the Anglican and Pentecostal churches in Cameroon.The proliferation of the Apostolic church, Full Gospel, Church of Christ, Charismatic, Assemblies of God, and Deeper Life Church, among others, in Cameroon, is connected to the Igbo as the Igbo were the heads of these movements (Ndi, 2011, p. 305).The efforts of the Igbo communities in Anglophone Cameroon led to the establishment of St. Peter Anglican Church, Victoria, in 1925;St. Andrew Anglican Church, Tiko, in the 1940s;St. Michaels Anglican Church, Duala, in the 1950s, St. Paul Anglican Church, Kumba;and St. Mathew Church, Buea, among others (Nwoke & Emejulu, 2021, p. 151).Interestingly, the leading role of the Igbo Christian revival and proselytization in Cameroon helped to change the prejudice and stereotype the Cameroonians had for the Igbo (Ndi, 2011, p. 36).
The Igbo played a very significant role in the development of mass media, particularly, the print media, in Cameroon.Blackwell (2020, p. 150) notes that Southern Cameroon had no formal press until the establishment of the Eastern Outlook and Cameroon's Star by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe contributed significantly through these papers and his activities in the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) in shaping the politics, policies and intellectualism in Eastern Nigeria and Southern Cameroon.It is pertinent to note that many Southern Cameroon nationalist leaders, such as Paul Kale, Emmanuel Endelely, John Ngu Foncha, Samson George, and Nerius Mbile, among others, had their political tutelage in Eastern Nigeria (Konings, 2005, p. 281).Since education was not given the needed attention by the British in Southern Cameroon, many administrators, professionals, teachers, and clerical staff of Cameroon extraction had their training in schools and institutions hosted by Igbo communities in Eastern Nigeria (Konings, 2005, p. 281).
Undoubtedly, the Igbo contributed and are still contributing to the economic development of Cameroon.Their contributions, no doubt, have caused a significant change in the life of their host community.George(2011:290-294) notes that the Igbo community living in different parts of Cameroon took part in developmental projects such as road construction, water supply, electricity, market, and church development, among others.They also contribute significantly to the revenue of the government by paying their taxes, levies, and fees.The Igbo, argued George, guarantees West Cameroon with much revenue in the early days of independence.They also changed the face of farming in Cameroon.Hitherto, Cameroonian farmers farmed for subsistence reasons, their products were barely enough for their existence.The Igbo introduced somewhat commercial farming as well as certain crops in Cameroon.
It is pertinent to note that the mass exodus of the Igbo to certain Cameroonian villages and their socio-economic activities therein contributed significantly to turning such villages to suburban or urban centres.Towns like Mamfe and Kumba, for example, urbanized due to the influx of the Igbo therein, Just like the gospel music, Igbo traders in Cameroon introduced and popularized the Igbo-dominated Nigeria Nollywood firms in Cameroon.The impact of this on Cameroon cinematography cannot be over-emphasized (Ndi, 2011, pp. 296-307).

Conclusion
We conclude from the foregoing that Igbo migration to, and intergroup relations with ethnic nationalities in Cameroon, particularly, Southern Cameroon predates the imposition of colonial domination in Africa.Migrations, during this period, were prompted by the search for natural resources such as fertile land for agricultural activities, rivers for fishing, and security from invaders, among others; Groups rather than individual migration accounted for the bulk of the precolonial migration.Intergroup relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Southern Cameroon, in pre-colonial times, were friendly, mutual and peaceful.
Colonialism altered the nature and extent of migration and intergroup relations between the Igbo and ethnic nationalities in Southern Cameroon.Colonial socioeconomic and political systems heightened migration and intergroup relations between ethnic groups.However, the internal contradictions inherent in colonial policies, some of which were discussed in this paper, ruptured the hitherto mutual and friendly relations and laid the foundation for hostility between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Southern Cameroon.
In post-colonial times, we note that the nature of relations between the Igbo and ethnic groups in Cameroon has been a mixed one; one that is characterised by mutual friendliness and hostility.The mutual friendliness is occasioned by their shared colonial heritage, historical, economic and socio-cultural ties as well as the marginalization of Anglophone Cameroon by the central government while the hostility is occasioned by the punitive policies by the Cameroonian Government against the Igbo, and the Nigeria-Cameroon boundary crisis, among others.Despite the nature of intergroup relations between the Igbo and Cameroon, we note that the Igbo had made significant contributions, and are still contributing to the socio-cultural and economic development of Cameroon and vice versa.

Both
Nigeria and Cameroon established diplomatic ties in 1960 following their independence from Britain.As a result, the two nations negotiated numerous trade, economic, scientific, and technological agreements on a bilateral basis.The 1963 Agreement of Friendship and Cooperation, the 1963 Trade Agreement, the 1972 Social, Cultural, and Technical Agreement, the 1972 Air Service Agreement, the 1972 Mutual Cooperation Agreement, and the 2006 Memorandum of Understanding on Transnational High Way to facilitate travel between Nigeria and Cameroon are just a few of these agreements