The humane costs of the 1970s and 1980s famines in North Wollo, Ethiopia

Abstract The purpose of this research paper is to investigate the humane costs of the 1973–74 and 1984–85 famine in North Wollo, Ethiopia. In Wollo, the northern side is always prone to drought and famine and its effect beyond the death tolls is also much highest. As a qualitative approach, descriptive analysis and purposive sampling techniques are used. Data’s gathered via interview, focused group discussion and document review showed, in the 20th century the two famines of 1973–74 and 1984–85 were the most difficult periods in which the people paid much sacrifice especially from the later which caused not only much death but also unnatural practices, and devotion towards one’s own interest (survival).The period passed as a trying times for families, and people of the region. The family ties and support of one another and the social fabric established through time seen hardly survived.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mesfin Tadesse is an instructor with a master's degree in the department of history and heritage management at Woldia University.He has served as Chairperson of the department and now a quality assurance coordinator at Faculty of Social Science and Humanities.Besides his role in teaching, he is actively engaging in Research and community service.Woldia University P.O.Box:400 Email: mesfinorator77@gmail.com

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
The region Wollo in general and its northern side in particular is always prone to drought and famine.In this case North Wollo in the history of Ethiopia took the lead in famine occurrences and the costs in the afterward.Most of them are best remembered but not documented.Some of the aspects (socio-economic issues) are well stated by scholars but not the humane and related costs as the famine equally affected it.Hence looking over these gaps, the paper tries to address the challenges and effects on families and people of the region.It would contribute for readers, other concerned body's in any position and for the people.Therefore, in the case of constructing and or de/reconstructing the national history of the period, also for the misunderstanding on nature of famine and the costs paid, and inspired other academicians and policy makers for further investigation and looking for last long solution.

Introduction
"Humaneness is, 'I believe, a reverence and respect for all life.It is not, finally, survival that we seek, but a quality of life that gives meaning and purpose to our existence Yet not for the sake of our life alone, but for the sake of all that lives".(Whitlock & Westerlund, 1975)   John Hoyt, President the Humane Society of the United States "Humane" or Humaneness is a construct which describes an attitude or behavior patterns reflective of a balanced sensitivity to all things.Hence, the purpose is not only the survival of life forms but also in a world where cruelty and suffering are minimal (Ibid, 24).Therefore, the term is associated with good personal qualities and or humanistic characters as of sympathies, humor, harmonious relation and mutual co-existence even at trying times.Loss of all these elements or relentless efforts made to maintain it in hard time [during a famine] is a "humane costs".Famine may erode the physical and mental capacity of its victims and lastly may cause premature deaths, too.For this, the cause may human and natural or may be both but its effect on human life is much higher than other catastrophes on earth.Famine "is a general and widespread, prolonged and persistent, extraordinary and insufferable hunger lasting for several months, resulting in total socio-economic disorganization and mass death by starvation" (Mesfin 1986, 9).In addition, famine had a disastrous consequence on the economic, social, psychological and political life of the people.For this, the 1983 famine is exemplary (Mohammed, 1987, p. 21).Wherever and whatever it is, famine could cost not only the socio-economic and political life of the people but also moral, physical and psychological wellbeing.In a cumulative effect the affected people may try all possible means for survival.
In the history of 20 th c Ethiopia, the two great famines (1973-74 and 1983-84) had left a deep scar in the mind and history of the people of the country in general and over Wollo in the north in particular.About the two periods, writers have argued a lot.For instance, the famine that griped Ethiopia in the 1973 was centered Wollo especially in the Eastern lowland where the sub regions like Raya kobo and Yejju is located.For him this place had been severely affected by the failure of the summer rain in 1972.To this end in 1974 more than ten percent of the population of Raya Kobo were found in relief camps (Amartya Sen, 1981, p. 334).During the 1983-84, the total affected population was 1.1 million in North Wollo (Dick, 1984, p. 171).Here, his point was not adequate to express the condition of the people there, as Wollo especially the Northern part were the all time victims.During the two famine periods reports, published works and research results reveal the phenomenon.However, the problem was that the written account focused on number of deaths, disaster relief works, migration, villagization and the like.For example related to migration for many modern day residents of Addis Ababa as James said and observed the early morning song of migrant beggar-minstrels called Lalibeloch (people from Lalibela, Amharic) have become a familiar part of life.This refers to a class of migrant beggars who brining to mind Northern Wollo's twin tragedies of famine and rural poverty which have become a pervasive image of Ethiopia in the outside world (Mccann, 1987, p. 3).
In spite of the above points on the famine victims of the region, there is no consideration given for the humane and cultural cost of the people at times of the two famine periods.In the previous famine years, the peasant have sold off their goods to purchase food and even eaten seed grains when their reserves shattered (Marcus, 1994, p. 181).This was unusual at normal time but the people did it when they lose option.However, more than this, the people had come across with a heavy loss in their customary (cultural), spiritual wealth and habits or efforts of sharing grief.In relation to this life and practices of the people in the two famine periods there is no study conducted to realize the actual disaster.In this regard, if someone wants to measure the effects of the famine it should not be only in terms of migration and death of people and animals as they are their socio-economic bases as well as the amount of aid given by somebody else as well.Therefore, the burden on their way of life should have given great emphasis.

Literature review
Until recently, famine was defined by dictionaries and famine analyses as virulent manifestations of intense starvation causing substantial loss of life.During 1980 s , several writers challenged this view of famine as discrete events that triggered food shortage and result in mass death by starvation.However, it is a general and widespread, prolonged and persistent and affecting more or less extensive areas and resulting disorganization socio-economic life and death (Mesfin W/Mariam, 1986, p. 9).
According to Stephen in his IDS working paper, in the 20 th c over 30 major famines with excessive mortality break out in different parts of the world.From these the famine in China, Soviet Union, India, Bangladesh and Sub-Saharan Africa are famines precipitated by adverse synergies between natural triggers (droughts) and political crises (civil wars) or other related causes.The human population, livestock and crops of the Sahel countries of Northern Nigeria, Northern Kenya, Somalia and Tanzania, all suffered but in terms of human deaths Ethiopia was the worst affected (Janson, 1987, p. 93).The common case for famine in Africa is Ethiopia, for it's suffer from famine through many repeated periods Ethiopia's history was punctuated by famine (Joachim, 1994).
In the history of Ethiopia around 23 famines were recorded (Fasil, 1993, 2005, pp.13-14).The period 1975-1985 saw catastrophic famine in 1973-74 followed by a more devastative one in 1983-84 famine.Therefore the phenomenon compelled one to conclude that the name Ethiopia has almost become synonymous with famine.North Wollo could name in such ways (Adhane,  1996, p. 5).The two-famine period of 1973-74 and 1983-84 left unforgettable memories.About the two famine occurrences, degree of intensities historians and other informants used to forward so many ideas.
One of the members of the committee said that in the 1964-65 (1972-73) famine of Ethiopia around 200,000 people had been dead (Hailemariam 2005).During the famine in Wollo the existing price inflation and its severity later expanded to other regions.As he remembers the famine which broke out in 1964/65 had been affected several region from those Wollo.In the 1980s, Wollo had been the first beneficial of foreign aid i.e., 320,000 people, when Tigray took 253,000 people aid receivers.From these we can understand that, in Wollo the people were much affected by the famine (W Solberg, 1991, p. 67).Although famine had never caused in the whole Awraja (district, Amharic), in Wag and Lasta the parliamentary representatives based on the letter writer in Nov, 1972 enumerated the Woreda (administrative division, Amharic) that suffered from crop failure requested not aid but a waiver of tithe & taxes.They were ignored.The first report on the drought and acute food shortage and death of livestock reached from in October-1972 but have nothing done until 1974 (Mesfin W/Mariam, 1986, pp.40-41).With regarding to the famine of 1983/84, Wajja from the name of the small town in North Wollo (between Qobo & Alamata): it is believed that is where the disaster first began.This region among other areas naturally formed with flat plains moderate (below) rainfall, so prone to frequent disaster (Rahmato, 1991, p. 105)   The 1973-1974 famine fell most heavily on North Wollo, with 900,000 people severely affected by the drought.A survey in 1974 of the most severely affected Awrajas revealed that 46.720 people had migrated, a figure in advertently raised to 174,984.Paulos Abrham's estimate suggests that some 137,000 people (excluding the dead) might have been displaced in search of food.The scale of family breakdown also appears to have been enormous.The 1983-84 famine in Wollo also showed a rapid upswing during the months of April to June 1984, with a very high number of people congregating in Korem and other town in Wollo.By October 1984, population displacement with its companion evils had assumed very serious proportions (Adhane, 1987, p. 52).Partly because of the fighting and civil disruption there, large no of peasants started to migrate to road side of towns of Korem, Alamata, Qobo in 1982.The aid shelter population in Korem begins in this year with about 5,000 peasants from wag, who arrived in the town hungry, exhausted and in poor health and refuse to return to their home areas.He added that there were sustainable loss of crops in the Qolla and lower Woyna Dega areas of Raya Qobo, Wag & Lasta and in the west Wadla Delanta, was seriously affected in this year (Rahmato,  1991, p. 105).It brought untold miseries to millions and resulted in death of many.It left a deep scar in their collective psyche and established a bad stigma in the mind of international community (Clark, 1992, p. 25).As many informants now a days remembered the grief, with the existing over crowdedness at that place even an infant were seen when he suck his dead mother breast, that is the real feature of the grief.As shown above, on many occasions recorded historical records hardly depicted the huge cost the famine had on their common values.Therefore, the study emphasized on the humane costs of the two famine periods which explore the effects beyond death and migration (See Figure 1).

Methods and materials
As it is most advisable for this type of social science research, qualitative method has applied and the interpretation also made per its design with great care and enthusiasm.Most of the data are obtained from informants via interview and focus group discussions.Although it was routine and time consuming the interview was also unstructured.It was really helpful for informants either feel free or talk what remember.In this type of historical research allowing the eyewitnesses to discuss about the period is important to reconstruct the history of the people.Moreover, Books and unpublished materials were used and triangulated with oral data.For their veracity popular poetry coined during the famines was also used.Hence, the data were mainly primary but secondary source also consulted.Descriptive analysis was applied to narrate and present the field data.The sampling techniques was purposive, this was made the research work efficient and reliable enough as most of the selected persons (elders) are directly close to the event in time and place so that they are an eye witness and would give reliable data.Around twenty seven informants got interviewed.When conducting the focus group discussion three places (Kobo, Alamata, and Korem) were selected with three groups (eight persons each) for all three places.This means that one group with eight informants on a selected place.The discussion points are similar for all that they directed to see relations in households, between families, and people to people.

Families (nuclear and extended) adversity
In a certain families the role of the father and mother in household management and childcare and support for their overall growth and development is always extremely important.Hence, towards their children the head of the family has legal and moral responsibilities to safeguard them as they are immediate family members and is mandatory while their children perform the duties they should own.These normal conditions may be threatened in time of famine and family may broke downs.This really occurred during the two famine periods in the region.
During the two-famine the most severely affected section of the populace were children, one of the informant had address the following; "children in the past were not either beaten or get insulted as well as through away but during the period of the famine, mostly in the 1977 E.C(Ethiopian calendar) family heads feel found guilty in getting birth and have a child who was more than five year and physically fatty.These were not a good means to get food aid.Moreover, I saw children's on both times when they fallen in and away from homes, beaten when they cry for food and insulted with a word 'fugir' (unlucky, Amharic) by their mother and father.I pray not to see that holocaust to come again." 1 This true event (observed phenomenon) also corresponds with the following testimonies of Mr,X who was a head of a certain family during the famine: "In the 1977E.C [the later famine] of course I had two children both of them were male, the little one was under the age of five and the other was also six years old.During that time, they were extra true asset as children's were a good means for aid taking.However, the first child being physically in good appearance and normal weight we were always prohibited from any supplies.Many times I try to attract pity by wearing him worn-out clothes and sprinkle his body and face with dust and sometimes mud.This did not work out to get food aid.Because of this, I did not treat him as good as his skinny little brothers and he was not only unlucky to himself but also I was consider myself like that." 2 Therefore, from these oral testimonies it appears that, in good times children were adorned and treated with loving care.Good looking children attracted more loving treatment and was pleasure giving to parents.In Famine things were different.Neglect and mistreatment awaits good looking children.
The Famine costs the people greatly which is beyond their loss of animals and human by death.When the problem especially of food reached in its climax and heads of households look for their own survival family broke downs occurred thereby abandoned children become orphan.In this regard many stories caused by famine had existed and also reflected the poor family relationships in 1970s.The story narrated by a father and a son illustrates this phenomenon.The father who by then lived in Lalibela town and now lives in Kobo while his son lives in Wajja said that: " . . . .Before the out beak of the catastrophe, I lost my wife (died naturally) and obliged to carry the burden of raising four children.When hunger severely hit the family and were unable to get positive care & support from me, except one, the rest three (two son and a daughter) were forced to flee to other area.The little one could not follow what his elders' did.After weeks in the month of April, I and my little son left for Kobo in search of job for survival.Nevertheless, everything turned worse than expected so that we become a street dweller.After six days, I heard news of job opportunity in Awash [in Afar region].It was during this time that I saw a bright future except apprehension about the fate of the little one.Therefore, I spent some days when I think and rethink.Finally, I decided to leave him at a locally known place for traditional beverage Teji (local beverage made with honey, Amharic) owned by Mrs,Y and flee to Awash.Later, when I come back with a lot of money, I could not reestablished good relation with my son." 3 The Son said: "I remember almost all coincident and suffering what I encountered, especially at Kobo where my father abandoned me and left for Awash for his own survival.For that matter, I will extend my heartfelt thanks for Mr,Y and others around for their feeding and moral support during the absence of my father.They are of course my true family having no blood ties.Anyway, now a day, I, the former abandon child could become a father even if still didn't bury that unpleasant memory of the horrible famine and my father's illegal and immoral acts." 4 By the same token, in the later famine the heads of the family had a similar experience.Of the two famines, apart from the lack of food and problem of mal-nutrition, seeing confused, abandoned and wandering children was common in many places like churches and mosques as well as aid camps.According to informants, even though most of the children are not intentionally abandoned some of them did.Their fate was either death or narrowly survives.With these ends, most of famine surviving children were called with nicknames like -"Terefe"(The survivor, Amharic) and parents often laments saying "Asayehgn"(let me see this, Amharic)-regretting the fact that they begot children.Above all, the following verses composed: The rough translation goes:

How did people label the year 1977(year of the famine) That which sets a wall between a father and son?
Here the poem (mostly well known to the people of the time) indicated that the famine in 1980s was a cause for the separation between parents and children.Not only were children in good physical condition hated by their parents but also abandoned in rare cases (See Figure 2).While good-looking children were thrown away to die, kids with emaciated bodies became valuable to  their hungry parents.Such was the reality that some discussants recalled a dialogue between a father and his ailing child going to relief centers: "A father was walking to relief centers carrying his child on his shoulder.He could expect aid by virtue of the right of his kid.At one point the baby said to his dad "father, father . . .."The father replies 'I am not your father.You are my father." 6e story is tempting to dub the phenomena as "children who fathered their fathers".Even the joy of having children for its own intrinsic, emotional and psychological gratification were replaced by turning children as instruments of aid or abandoning them.It is as if there is no humor or sense of responsibility to one's own sibling when people are subjected to existential threat.People even expressed disdain to God for letting the people to suffer and die.Many chain between families, couples tied with legal marriage, neighbors, the-have (if any) and the have-notes and the people in the crowd radically changed.As the suffering worsened, people were seen confused and suffered from sense of being lost.Here and there demoralized people were seen seating hopelessly and idle.During a discussion in the researcher's house, where coffee was served to discussants, a Muslim participant remarked: "I saw and I remember when a person seems like another being.Because of chronic food shortage and loss of hope, the people sometimes failed to utter 'yes' when their names called by aid workers and others.Many looked profoundly confused, leaving aside everything and lustfully moving here and there.They consciously left their property and children unattended." 7out the degree of its severity of the later famine at Korem in North Wollo, British Journalist Michael Buerck had said the following; "Dawn--and as the sun breaks through the piercing chill of the night on the plains outside Korem, it light's up a biblical famine.Now in the 20 th c thousands of wasted people are coming here now, suffering, confused, and lost.Death is all around a child or an adult dies every 20 minutes.Korem, an insignificant town, has become a place of grief.The tragedy bigger than any one seem to realize, getting worse every day" (W Solberg, 1991, p. 70).
Therefore, the famine was not only disrupted normal life but also left enduring divides between families (the father and the son).Hence, it could be seen that when the famine and its pain reached on its peak, household heads were compelled to abandon their children in effort to save their life.Abandoning ones siblings could be seen as an extreme effect of the famine (Figure 3).As regards children's feelings of suffering from sense of being lost and confused, Hailemariam also remarks the following; " . . ..When I was walking around St. Lalibela [Lalibela town], I had seen a little Boy seating alone on the roadside with no one around him.Even though he was alive he was suffered and confused.I have never seen a child dazed like that.Perhaps he might be lost his family [died of hunger] or separated because of the mobs and or while peoples unable to sustain with the hardship and unworthy human life may left him overlooked."(Haile, 2013, pp.93-94).
The above quote shows that in Lalibela where many of the people had no enough food aid, children like the one photographed, not more than four years old, had been looking confused, lost, isolated, saddest and seems like an old person in many ways, this were the indication of the deep suffering.About the why of the child, there is possibilities like death of his parents, may lost him under the crowd or their deliberate obliviousness with the physical and psychological and moral deterioration of parents by hunger.Knowingly or not, many children were abandoned and subjected to utter suffering and confusion.
As the following quote indicates, unlike the famine of 1973-74, famine years of 1983-84 saw the practice of trading children for a means to get food aid." . . . to the will of God, I was incapable of pregnancy.This natural sterility prevented me from having a child.When the disaster came, food aid was provided in preference to people with children.To get aid, I had to go and search for a child from families having two or more.Lastly, I got a child and received enough food aid.For this, without any reluctance I was giving a free labor service and give some part of the aid for family of that child." 8Because of children's importance to get food aid, there were kidnappers.One of the aid distributor had observed family members (mother or father) crying and calling loud names of the lost in the crowd. 9Account of a mother states: "I was from Lasta but for receiving aid and feeding my whole family, with my little child, Biweta, went to the aid center in Kobo.To get the little aid, we had to be attentive to the names calling by aid workers.The center was over populated, crowded and annoying as well as too sunny.It was in this situation that I lost my baby who was between my legs.When I became aware of the absence of my child I searched for him by roving around but I could not get him.After a while I heard bad news that children were stolen for the purpose of getting aid.For some days I tried to get him but it was in vain with my weakness from hunger and starvation.Still I have not met my lovely child, so feel sinful, irresponsible, and idiot." 10 Therefore, in 1984 the chronic problem for food and the existing condition had forced the people either to give a free labor service for the haves or to share the aid with the families which dare to give away their children at the expense of the moral and psychological impacts.The condition was decapitated parents physically, morally and psychologically so that failed to be after them.Such victims still languish with uncertain thoughts about the fate of their children and live with a sense of guilt.
According to Molla, during the two famine periods, mainly that of 1973-74, the people at home and outside were tortured by the sight of dying children and cattle which they couldn't feed but hopelessly observe their final fate.Sometimes, parents pushed the crying children aside with bad temper while at times fake forgetfulness trying to evade the pain in vain. 11According to Nancy Fronczack, a foreigner aid worker, mother's level of exhaustion was such that they could not follow up the instruction given to them (W Solberg, 1991, p. 89), In a similar way, one of a store keeper at Korem, remembers his observation as follows: "In 1973, the people disappeared where they went in search of food.Hunger prevented children even from crying.Mothers and other elderly shook their head to express their grievance with God for his ignorance.There was some deep grief to look at children when their mother passed away from hunger while feeding her children.At some point the children became family less and were seen left in the streets." 12om the above two statements of the two informants, one can understand that the severity caused the people to search for that and die.Children lost fitness to play or cry.Here, even if it might not characterized the whole, the reason for the death of the mother while her children's still alive is really selflessness [her concentration on feeding them while forgetting her own wellbeing].This surely was a testimony of gorgeous motherhood that survived beyond the threshold of death.Any way when the degree of the disaster grew intense the elderly (family heads) could not help other than watching dying children or abandon them.
Relatively speaking in 1973 infants was kicking against their rough blankets while screaming for food.Hundreds of thousands cries and pleas of the starving children had always reached the ears of family elders who could not respond helpfully.Until now whenever children cry hard family elders remember the past famine and resort to silencing them by providing or promising to provide food, although the cause of crying is not hunger. 13n 1984 the degree of suffering was high for all mainly for the physically and psychologically immature children.However, for other family members, of course, who are still under eighteen, to get daily bread from the rich they got permission or forced to do by their family heads to minimize their suffering of the famine and their families.Added to this occasionally there was a practices of commercial sex working in towns like Alamata.For this, the following story of the girl (now a woman) is a good testimony." . . . .Mushira (now Muluwork) was my name . . ..if you ask me about the year 1977E.C it was much nauseating to come across that period of extremity.I was sixteen when I left Gidan to Alamata to work whatever I could get.When I reached to the town the people were in a similar condition (highly suffering).The people who came from different directions had overcrowded the town.After I observed different parts of the town, I asked a hotel owner (Girmaye) to get me a job, not expecting salary but some gift and daily food.Later by counting on my natural beauty, I began to serve customers to gate money and support my family.Amidst the disaster I moved to visit my family in Gidan with some money and daily food.I told my mother everything I did and planned to do.She told me to be firm and get intact with the job adding that other things will be left for God.By doing so, I was able to live with a relative comfort supporting whole family as far as I could. 14om the story of Mushira one can understand that, famine would compel mothers to encourage their daughters to practice what is unthinkable in a normal time.The privation let parents to compromise moral and human values for their own survival.
Generally speaking, to the head of the family the biggest stress and sorrow was when they could not appease their crying children' for food.This was immortalized in a popular poetry: ልጂ እንጀራ እንጀራ እናት የለም የለም ይህንን መከራ የሚችለው የለም 15

How could to survive having children's uttering the word and crying for food while the Mother replied its absence
The verse indicated peoples experience that the worst and unbearable tragedy for a mother is when her child cries for food while she has nothing to offer.It implies the disproportionate burden mothers suffer in times of hardship.
When the intensity increased, the head of the family did things up on their children that are uncommon, dreadful and reprehensible under normal conditions.A person witnessed a child who had her food snatched and eaten by her own mother.Observer of the 1980s immortalized the power of famine to erode the depth of motherhood in the following verses: አይቼሽ የለም ወይ በመስከረሚቱ ከልጂቱ ነጥቀሽ ስትበይ እናቲቱ 16

Did not I see you in Meskerem Snatching your daughter and eating her food?
All things considered, during the two-famines, children were insulted, snatched of their food, beaten and thrown away.They were sold human as a commodity and encouraged to practice commercial sex while others were handed out to work for people in exchange for food.
In Ethiopian society, husbands and wives are always considered as pillars (basement) of a house and are like "couples belong to the same river".Given this, their love and intimacy is bountiful to sustain their relationships amidst common challenges.The husband strives to protect and adore his wife and vice versa.They heed to each other's will and desires.However, stories during the famine show the limits of people to keep their oath to cooperate in times of joy and hardship and not to divorce other than through natural death.The following stories during the two famines show that people could descend to self serving options regardless of the wellbeing of their spouses.
A man from Kalim remembers that in the 1980s the provision and care for pregnant women at the peak of the famine was ignored by aid givers and their husbands. 81Husbands emotionally loyal to their wives could hardly meet the needs of their wives.A monk aged 86 said that during the famine in 1980s he used to live around Zobel with his unhealthy wife.As the impact of the famine intensified and access for medicine and food became difficult, his wife asked him to look for jobs in the town.He did so.In the town, he began collecting firewood and Shenbeko (bamboo) outside the town for sale in the town with a very minimum price.Despite his determination to save her, she passed away as he could not arrive at the right time.According to him, the famine left him with unforgettable distress since he lost his cattle and his wife. 17e, who has experienced events in the 1980s in Kobo Woreda, remembers an incredible phenomenon between couples: "The Afar pastoralists were entitled to higher relief aid since the famine started there and was more damaging.To take advantage of this, many couples were divorced to marry an Afar". 18is shows that starved couple preferred abandoning their poor spouses in favor of a person with better food supplies.A husband or a wife who disdained the inability of his/her partner to provide food insulted him/her to depart forever.A peasant who nearly lost his wife because of his poverty had this to say: አንዱን በሬ ሽጨ አንዱኛው ሲቀረኝ ሚስቴ ልትፈታኝ ስታንገራግረኝ ባለዘጠኙ ልብስ ወርዶ ገላገለኝ 19

Until the nine coated [maize was harvested] arrived and she settled!
It shows that when the means of survival closes to end, the wife fought with a threat of divorce which was dropped, thanks to new maize harvest.The stories show that rather than affirming love, couples openly threatened divorce or did so at will.In addition, pregnant women, who are respected and protected by the whole community in good day, were left to die.
Apart from working for blood ties in the distribution centers by aid distributors, families around the aid center were seen when they cooperated with each other in terms of building temporary houses and sharing them at night and day.In places where there is such living condition, the family (two or more) would share the received aid.Town dwellers showed positive reception to their kin from rural areas up to sharing their bed and food.However, there many anomalies recount: "Before the beginning of the famine (1984), we had donated what we had to our immediate relatives who lived in the town (Kobo) whenever they come to visit us.When the disaster came we left our home to the town in need of help.However, when we reached there, they turn their face for bad and they did not want to share their home with us.This is the most horrified memory lingers in my mind and we still do not have peaceful relation among us." 20 informants narrated a related story, as all food storage was empty; people began hiding what they had while others offered to share their grains.In most cases, however, the "haves", when asked for help, responded "sorry!We have not".These were most common either between family members or villagers while a few of them used to share whatever they had by placing hope in God's helped for tomorrow. 21uring the two famine periods, most of the people agreed that the people were reduced to the most extreme deprivation of food and clothing.Numbers fall victims from hunger alone.People were forced to eat not what their mind and culture allowed them but the condition.Love and support for one's neighbors be it for food or clothing was rare.The degree of being miser for self preservation was inscribed in oral poetry: What a time so grimy That maize was found hidden in a box Some were worried on the long term fracture of familiar bond that extreme miser behavior might bring about.Thus they would lament:

As bad days go away, we shall endure heartaches
A woman an old age group said that as lack of access to food even from the commission grew, relations between individuals and groups at family and village level became sour.In this situation, whenever a relative of neighborhood residents pays a visit to a household, the receivers were worried of the possible request for food.Thus, the salutation given for the visitors was not warm unless receivers were sure that visitors were not going to demand food or other support.This was a common reality in the everyday life during the 1980s but much serious in the previous famine as there was no relief aid either from the government and the outside world.

People of the region
The People had known for its good hospitability and mutual co-existence though ethnic, occupational and religious diversity.They had established tradition of sharing their happiness and sorrows.But this strong mark of the people was seriously questioned and depleted by the famines.Oral and written accounts bear testimony of this reality.
Observer and member of RRC remarked the following observation he had in Raya Kobo in 1973: "As we have seen the distribution of food everywhere, among the aid seekers who had an access to food were only persons with better inter-personal communication and ties with government officials.However, others who do not have such opportunities remained as a bystander."(Haile, 2013, p. 49)   The quote above shows how the sense of communal cooperation was shattered because of nepotism practices among personnel in aid agencies and government administration.According to him the most beneficial were those who had blood ties and close relation with appointees while ordinary people were mercilessly left in the fields struggle not to die.Considering that, most of the appointees were from the people, and the discrimination reveals the damage caused by the famine on social fabrics.An informant, who was a chairperson of a Kebele (lower level administrative division) during the later famine, recalls the corrosion of communal attitude.During the 1973-74 famine, the emperor ordered the distribution of a piece of cloth (2 meter), single bread for a day and some maize.The big problem was not in its amount rather in its fair distribution which was affected by numerous acts of violence and robbery in many parts of the region.Greediness and extreme interest for survival rather than morals was the potentate of the day as it can be gleaned from the testimony of the following: "The acts of violence and robbery were almost found everywhere in the region and had disturbed the peace of the people in relief sites.Those who were assigned to distribute aid under the name of the commission embezzled resources for themselves and their relatives.Darwin's theory of survival of the fittest seemed to have been enacted on the people." 24her informants concur about the acts of violence and robbery in 1974 in the region.Because relief assistance was not adequate to meet the huge demand, many of the poor resorted to ways of survival including unlawful activities such as looting and robbery (Rahmato, 1991, pp.153-154).Relief aid centers in towns were sights of bitter and agony.Highlanders and lowlanders witnessed divided and antagonized.They did not wish to share same space for sleeping.They did not cooperate against robbers and the hyenas.Highlanders and lowlanders refused to attend each other's' funeral ceremony of the dead, which was of course infrequent even within each group.Whenever rate moments of cooperation were observed it was predominantly within highlanders and within lowlanders only. 25out nepotism, one of the aid workers in Kobo said that aid seekers who had a family member in the coordinating commission benefited more.Even they were not obliged to wait until their names were called from the list and could also take double by increasing the number of their families.He admitted to have participated in this illegal act.According to him years of the disaster were spent with good comfort and he not only supported his immediate families but also other relatives and good neighbors.This gave him unfailing hatred and love too.He added that, he was one who had enjoyed good meals and fine liquors with local leaders and officials.The people who dared to tell the truth about their irresponsibility to higher officials were excluded from the list. 26his shows that, the susceptibility of peasants was compounded by nepotism practices within relief agencies and disintegration of social fabrics.
During the imperial rule, people under the crisis were provided with roasted grain and porridges.Only strong people could manage their way to food distribution spots while no one cared for the physically weak.In fact the police and aid coordinators committed acts that further humiliate the humiliated.They hurry people to eat hot porridge fast so that finish their work quickly.For some reasons the people were sometimes flogged in the relief center.Because of this, many opted to leave relief centers, and prefer to migrate or stay at home. 27 the 1980s, to reduce the distance aid workers travelled, people were encouraged to gather in a place where aid provided with a ticket.Such tickets were given to students to be distributed to victims in villages.However, students provide tickets to people who could pay.This mischief left the poor unsupported.Besides, the aid distributors through plotting with aid receivers divided the provision among themselves.In this regard, most of the officials at Kebele and Woreda level were self centered and did not strive for public interest.Local administrators and civil servants worked hand and gloves to expropriate wheat from Canada to build their houses and buy luxury items.In doing so, they proved themselves just like hyena and fox stand against the people. 28itially, when aid distribution started in 1980s, there were people who bought oil and cloths from people returning from relief centers with low prices and sale it for profit.But, either the farmer's cooperation or administrators at Woreda level did not make efforts to stop this shortchanging of peasants.In the end, the act of robbing became rampant (Haile, 2013, p. 78).People who did not had friends and relatives around relief centers charged by town dwellers for providing a modicum of shelter in their compounds.Town dwellers also charged victims for using utensils. 29Hence, the people who use to pride themselves in their generosity and mutual support lost that value in attempting to ensure their own survival.
In Gando Meda (Korem), in 1973-74, aid receivers engaged with tricks to benefit more than their deserving quota.Normally those who got aid had inks marked on their fingers or foreheads to prevent cheating.However, they sometimes managed to get additional aid by cutting their finger nails or sucking their finger to erase the mark.As all hopes of life run out, village communities which had existed peacefully for long turned on each other.People terribly fought for the last stored supplies of grain.This was practically observed at Korem and Kobo and could have been the case elsewhere in Wollo (Haile, 2013, p. 78).For the most part, starved people were disciplined enough to abide by the rules.They were not as such unruly looters who storm the aid as it arrived.They waited in patience seating in quos until their names were called (See pictures' A and B). 30 The figure indicates the people lined up to receive aid and the other shows when the people rushed when they heard the news of aid arrival.Of course, they run for food as they waited for it.Given the seriousness of the time, the act is normal.However, the mischief to get double was really a sign of greed and egocentrism.Most of the skirmishes arose when officials do wrong or people took double of their quota and abused the stored aids (Figure 4 and 5).
Values also lost in showing disregard to corpses.According to Dessalgn in 1983-1984 famine, Wajja, a small town in North Wollo was the epic center of death toll (Rahmato, 1991, p. 107).During this time the dead bodies were left unattended for the hyenas as living awaited for their death.Mr,X recounts his observation as follows: "If you ask me about that horrific time, let me tell you. ...humm! . . .I remember in the town (Kobo) dead bodies were awaiting burial but no one tried to collect them in honor.There were fewer people willing to see the dead than the number of dead bodies.Human body was too cheap to be surprised by sheer sights of corpses.The haves were occasionally appalled by the sting of corpses and often yelled at emaciated aid seekers near the fence of their compound.There were circumstances that the people abstain to touch each other owing to fear of sickness from contagious diseases or some other cases". 31is agonizing situation perceived with indifference and bad temper by the relatively affluent town dwellers.Anyway, one of the main problems for people of the countryside in towns was not only food but also shelter.In this regard, in towns the haves (owners of house) caused a further moral assault on the incoming aid seekers.The idea of hospitability and reception entailed in the common parlance-bet yegiziabher new (this is a God's house, Amharic) became past memory.In spite of this, according to Mr,X, there were people who had been sharing the feeling of others and Source: https://google.comserved by all they have and could.Those who enjoyed this benevolence admonish benefactors saying "ye kifu qen guade" (My comrade in trying times, Amharic) (Figure 6).
One of the most renowned and respected in Woldia though he was not affected by the famine he feel and observed the grief, and also conditions of his families at Gidan remembers as follows: "In 1973-1974 many place of the region (North Wollo) due to lack of knowledge and care about communicable diseases and the absence of food people were died everywhere.The living even if they drained, were tried to bury the dead.This was so consistent especially in places like Gidan where there were no hired laborers to bury the dead.Henceforth, after six or seven months of this burial attempts the people felt tired of this unending and horrific work.This situation was more acute in and around aid centers.." 32 Even in rural villages, people were bored of attending several burials everyday so much so that they began seating behind closed doors, although they knew what happened next door.Customarily, the death of loved ones is the occasion relatives, friends and neighbors would not miss to join in mourning.Famine turned this tradition upside down so that a woman lamented of lone mourning as follows: "አባቴ ሞቶብኝ በሰባ ሰባት የቀባሪ ያለህ ብየ ቀበረኩት" 33 Having lost my father in year 77 [time of tragedy] Left him unburied for want of mourners Scholars have recorded the problem of burial encountered in previous famines which is reminiscent of the poem above.During the 1889 famine, outbreak of epidemics caused mass death so that people refused to bury the dead.Alaqa Lemma remembers that during the Kifu Qen, every night people were awakened by cry of, "wosedegn wosedegn"(Save me, the hyena took me, Amharic).These were mostly women and old people (Pankhrust, 1985, 86).Asked if the same was the case in 20 th century famines, informants responded in the affirmative.In some cases, during the two famines being hunted by hyenas was among the occurrences.The observer said: "Most of the people had stingy body because of hunger, poor sanitation, heavy sun, dust etc. were characteristic features of life around aid centers.When the sun sets, the hyena terrified and sometimes carries individuals with their soul to the eating garden.No one could save people from this fate because of fear and physical weakness.Even if victims cried for help, no one dared to rescue them.Every one tried its best to save its life until the night breaks.Rather people mocked of cries along the tradition of highlander-lowlander prejudice.When someone is picked by hyena and cries for help, people at home would utter-ይህን ቆለኛ ወሰደው ወይም ይህን ደገኛ ወሰደው [That lowlander is finished or that highlander is finished, Amharic].When everybody wakes up in the morning, the people would ask each other of what happened at night or who the victims were for nothing but for mere talk.I don't want to blame the people and the animal but the condition." 34Source: https://int.imageUnder normal conditions, people cooperated even to defend their animals from a hyena.In times of famine, people are individually and in groups failed to face a hungry hyena.Self preservation appeared as the best strategy.It is a vivid evidence for the burden of the famines on the humane quality of victims.
In good seasons, especially lowlanders, during the reign of Emperor Haile Sellassie 35 had large tracts of land and could produce hundreds of quintals.Surplus food was stored underground.The poor could at any time borrow grains from the rich. 102This were completely changed by the famine to the extent of damaging familial and social bonds.As a result rich people were hated.A popular poem has the following on this: ቀኝአማኝ ኮረራ በኮንበልቻን መጣህ ወይንስ ባስመራ ሀብታሙን እንዳሻህ ድሀውን አደራ 36 Kegni-Amagn Korera [contagion], where are the direction 'you' came to visit us, please leave the poor and do as 'you' want with the rich!The word "Korera" refers to names locally given to a contagion of the time which killed numerous.There were occasions that Muslims and Christians were buried together.In the verses above, the poor wished if the disease could clear the rich while sparing the poor.People remember while a few scavenging on a bone consumed and thrown away by the rich. 37Most informants agree that the rich had no problem to lend money to the poor if the rainfall was found promising to the next harvest.Conversely, on the eve of the two famines the rainfall was too low hence the rich refused to lend the poor anything be it in cash or in kind.Instead of lending, the rich were hiding their wealth.A person who did so rationalized his behavior saying that he was uncertain of his family's future. 38s,Y who had a better socio-economic status then and today maintained that, the most disadvantaged group of the famine in 1984 were the rich who had still some cattle and grain supplies.The only way the rich could benefit from relief aid was if they lost all they had.During this time, the rich were forced to sale their cattle in much lower price or consume them with the family members.Then they could be accepted for relief aid for some time before they would migrate.She claims that despite odds, the rich were the ones who gave seeds and oxen to the poor when rain started.They were positive and supportive towards the people who had been in a serious condition.About the famine effects and loss of properties for forced sale, one of the victims composes the following: አንተ ሰባ ሰባት የሰራህኝ ስራ በሬየን ለአስር ብር እኔን ለሰፈራ 39 77 [time of tragedy]!Make me suffer up to the extent to sell my ox to 10 EB(Ethiopian Birr) and forced me migrated and looking for new settlement!

Conclusion
In the 1970s and 1980s famine, the relations between families, neighbors, and the people had been bitter.Almost all levels of relationships (parental, blood ties, neighborhood etc) could not withstand the test of famine so that people were interested to ensure their own survival.Children were a means for securing food aid for themselves and their families while others remained seekers sometimes a burden to the caregivers that even rarely ended in abandonments.Marriage couples, families and people of the region whether they are poor or rich seen intricate.Therefore, there was hardly any humane and social fabric that was not compromised in people's quest for survival.For a reason not clear the difference between lowlanders and highlanders endured to the point of death.
Overall, while there is limited research on the cultural and social implications of famine, it is clear that these events have far-reaching effects beyond just food shortages and loss of life.Further research is needed to fully understand the impact of famine on communities and their cultural practices.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.A map showed major areas of the study site.Source: taken from James Maccan Book entitled as from poverty-famine in North east Ethiopia, p.54.Therefore, North Wollo includes Wag,Lasta, wadla Delanta and Yejju area.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. Artist's impression of the time: a father heading to relief center.Source: https://www.gettyimages.com

Figure 4 .Figure 5 .
Figure 4.People line up for food provision in Korem,one of the town with hundred thousand aid seekers and most affected in 1974.Source: https://google.com

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Scene of the famine in Korem (1984), a man lay out on the ground and waiting for death.