Navigating the smallpox threat in colonial Fiji: Vaccination endeavours and historical challenges

Abstract Upon its cession from 1874 to 1970, Fiji was under the British colonial government, and the colonial government attempted to control the spread of smallpox in the colony. The vaccination of Smallpox in the colonial era was effectively eradicated and controlled by the colonial authority with the help of Native Medical Practitioners. This paper looks at how smallpox was prevented and controlled in Fiji. The control drive was established, executed, and expanded in the face of all medical, financial, logistical, social, political, and geographical challenges. Indeed, this paper examines the relationship between native and colonial administrations in tackling the spread of smallpox. The changes in vaccination policies’ formulation, implementation, and budgetary in Colonial Fiji were also examined in this paper. This research helps fill in the gaps in our understanding of the effects of colonial health policy in Fiji by focusing on the vaccination of indentured labourers and the construction of quarantine centres. By examining the historical backdrop of smallpox vaccination in colonial Fiji, this research has the potential to provide significant insights that can be utilized to improve the efficacy of contemporary public health initiatives, particularly in environments characterized by cultural diversity.


PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
The study explores the historical fabric of colonial Fiji as we decipher the intriguing account of efforts to prevent smallpox.From 1875 to 1970, British authorities encountered significant difficulties in managing this perilous illness by implementing vaccination strategies influenced by missionary and medical considerations.The intricate interplay between colonial powers and indigenous communities is illuminated by our research, which demonstrates the impact of medical interventions on the cultural milieu.Explore the profound impact that implementing Western medicine, including vaccination, had on the people of Fiji.This scholarly expedition through time enhances our comprehension of previous events while also providing vital perspectives for present-day public health endeavours, thereby connecting the realms of history and the present-day obstacles we confront.

Introduction
As the British Empire proliferated in the second part of the nineteenth century, more and more Britons were sent abroad to manage it and meet the needs of expatriates and other people who had to relocate.A portion of the populace was presumably motivated by the empire's expansion to discover uncharted territories, while the prospect of exploration and achievement enticed others (Bickers,  2010; Phillips, 2013) . 1 However, other individuals left their homes for nobler causes, such as to serve their nation, join a religious community, or become a missionary.All migrants must have considered both "pull" and "push" variables before making life-altering choices like when and where to relocate (Bickers, 2010; Fedorowich & Thompson, 2015; Harper & Constantine, 2010). 2 As the empire grew, so did the need for medical treatment, and with it came a flood of migrant physicians, nurses, pharmacists, and other medical professionals (Alam, 2022; Chakrabarti, 2014; Mahone & Vaughan, 2007; Pati  & Harrison, 2001)  (Hokkanen, 2017; Monnais & Wright, 2016). 3Studies of imperial tropical medicine and its effects have dominated the history of medicine in twentieth-century empires.Historians have delved into the role of medicine as a "tool of empire," examining the impact of medical researchers and practitioners during the height of imperialism (Headrick, 1981). 4ainst this backdrop, The Pacific community perceived smallpox, much like measles, as an illness associated with individuals of European descent.However, the notion of vaccination as a potential remedy for the novel ailment was met with admiration, mainly due to its association with Western culture.The sickness was unable to penetrate the white populace, and the indigenous population perceived the medical interventions of the white man as extraordinary (Alam, 2016). 5ikely, the Fijian population was not fully cognizant of the underlying intentions of the British in disseminating Christianity throughout Fiji through the means of missionaries, one of which involved the introduction of medical treatments such as the white man's cure and vaccination.In previous times, the British employed medicine as a potent adjunct, as noted by Dr Richard Burdsall Lyth, the pioneer of medical practice in Fiji, and Hunt: " . . . the great reason these people are disposed to receive Christianity is that they may possess bodily health."(Henderson, 1931, p. 139) 6 By the conclusion of 1848, the missionaries had achieved notable success in integrating medicine as a supplementary aspect of religious practices.Consequently, it became widely accepted that individuals who were unwell should align themselves with the lotu (Church) to secure Jehovah's favour and fully avail themselves of British medical interventions. 7In a correspondence dated 25 August 1848, Calvert provides us with the information: "When the King's wife was ill, her priestess advised her to lotu.She did, and the priestess, on hearing that she had louted, approved, and advised that all ill should lotu."(Henderson,  1931, p. 134) 8 Missionaries have expressed their endorsement of the utilization of medicine as a supplementary instrument in the pursuit of their objectives within the Lakemba region (Henderson, 1931, p. 134). 9e infections were introduced by foreign vessels in the Pacific region.These factors led Sylvester Lambert, an American physician, to assert in the mid-1800s that ships arriving on the Pacific Islands could exhibit no visible signs of illness among their passengers.However, it was seen that shortly thereafter, an outbreak of various diseases such as TB (tuberculosis), pneumonia, dysentery, gonorrhoea, measles, or syphilis would often occur.The vessel remained for a little before continuing its journey.It had been utterly unaware of the calamity that engulfed the indigenous non-immune inhabitants, akin to a conflagration rapidly spreading across a parched woodland.There were various causes mentioned for depopulation, and one of the causes was disease.However, smallpox was unknown, as per the record provided by Sylvester Lambert (Lambert,  1934). 10e phenomenon of diseases introduced to the Pacific region by foreign immigrants had garnered significant attention from colonial authorities and academic researchers.The apprehensions around the potential extinction of indigenous populations were a powerful driving force behind formulating and implementing British policies in Fiji.The appointment of a British Royal Commission in 1896 to investigate the "Decrease of the Native Population" was influenced by mistaken beliefs regarding racial inferiority.The commission's findings, which attributed depopulation to the perceived immorality of Islanders, women's behaviours and sexuality, and childrearing traditions, were questionable (Corney et al., 1896). 11is research is an attempt to explore the history of smallpox vaccination in Fiji during the early colonisation period of British Fiji, focusing on the vaccination in Fiji and its assessment concerning precision between the native population and colonial administration.The article deals with a broad survey of the history and origin of smallpox, further spreading in varied parts of the South Pacific region, especially the Fiji Islands.The reasons for the vaccination process by the British Empire are equivocal in Fiji.The research tries to fill these voids by analysing medical, financial, logistical, social, political, and geographical motives behind the introduction of vaccination in the newly adopted infant colony.It also assesses the early history of vaccination, described in reports and ordinances from preventive measures to the vaccination campaign, including native healers (vuni wai taukei)/local/provincial and district vaccinators.The article elaborates on the complexity of the cost-benefit ratio regarding remuneration, penalties, travel, and travails of the smallpox vaccine in Fiji.Lastly, it examines the relationship between native and colonial administrations in tackling the spread of smallpox and how the formulation, implementation, and budgetary support of vaccination policies significantly changed the colony.
Smallpox has a long history of causing devastating epidemics, resulting in incalculable loss of life and leaving survivors with long-term physical and psychological suffering.The condition is defined by high body temperature, dermatological eruption, and the formation of fluid-filled vesicles on the epidermis, mucosal linings, and visceral structures.The virus is spread through respiratory droplets or direct contact with infected individuals or contaminated objects (Alibek, 2004; Fenner,  1993). 12cording to historical records, Palau Island in the Pacific Islands was reportedly affected by smallpox outbreaks in 1783 and 1854.These outbreaks resulted in a significant loss of life, with an estimated 2,000 fatalities out of a total population of 5,000 individuals on Palau Island.It is widely thought that smallpox is absent in the Solomon Islands, New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Loyalty Island, Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Fiji, Wallis and Horn Islands, and American Samoa (Mumford &  Mohr, 1944). 13The impact of disease on the Aboriginal population in Australia during the 1860s has been extensively chronicled by Cumpston (Cumpston, 1914). 14The initial epidemic among the European population transpired in Melbourne in 1857, coming from a vessel that embarked from Liverpool, England (Fenner et al., 1987). 15Nevertheless, the presence of smallpox in New Zealand remained undocumented until 1840.However, in 1872, the initial instance of smallpox was observed following the arrival of two ships carrying the disease.Subsequently, six cases of smallpox were reported among the local population in Auckland.Furthermore, upon the arrival of the initial Caucasian settler in the Astrolabe Bay region, it was duly documented that an affliction emanated from the northwestern direction, resulting in a significant number of fatalities.
Additionally, he referred to the indigenous individual with facial scars.During the 1890s, there is a possibility that the occurrence of chicken pox extended to the southern coast of Papua before the establishment of colonial rule (Denoon, 2002; Fenner et al., 1987). 16rthermore, this research article elaborates on the smallpox vaccination campaign, its impediments, its success, and its popular spatiotemporal resistance in Fiji.The measles epidemic in Fiji in 1875 wiped out about one-third of the population.After the introduction of indentured labourers in Fiji, the fear of spreading smallpox became quite evident, so the vaccination process was inevitable and henceforth started by the British Empire in its newly acquired colony.In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the British Isles were ravaged by smallpox epidemics.

Method
Utilizing primary sources of data, this research examines the execution of smallpox vaccination during the early colonial period in Fiji.Annual reports from 1879 (with evidence of vaccination programs dating back to 1875) to 1894 constitute the primary data sources.The reports from the National Archives of Fiji, furnish an exhaustive and sequential synopsis of smallpox vaccination endeavours throughout this time frame.Furthermore, office memoranda and minutes from the Colonial Secretariat are incorporated into the study.These documents function as additional resources, providing valuable perspectives on administrative determinations, policy development, and the obstacles faced throughout the execution of smallpox vaccination initiatives in early colonial Fiji.The content of office memos and minutes is examined qualitatively, with an emphasis on the socio-cultural elements, administrative problems, and decision-making processes that shaped the trajectory of smallpox vaccination in colonial Fiji.This qualitative investigation deepens our understanding of the historical backdrop and the complexities of public health interventions.
The research demonstrates a commitment to ethical principles by safeguarding the privacy and integrity of archival materials.The research demonstrates due citation of all data sources and maintains cultural sensitivity when discussing historical information, specifically in regard to health, colonialism, and indigenous communities.

The Fijian or colonial way? Smallpox control
On 10 October 1874, Fiji officially became a British colony.Surgeon Adam B. Messer of the crew of Her Majesty's Ship Pearl visited Fiji in 1873-1874, documenting the prevalent illnesses there, to provide a report on the impact of the climate on Britain's newest property.He said that the Fiji Islands, being purely tropical, help to avoid the spread of illness and the buildup of toxic miasmatic caused by the island's abundant decomposing plant life.He said that smallpox and fever are essentially nonexistent in Fiji at present.This report includes observations on the prevalence of various illnesses among whites, the care given to children of both white and mixed ancestry, and the general level of hygiene in the Fiji Islands (De Ricci, 1875; The Fiji Island, 1875, 1876). 17e National Archives of Fiji's yearly reports from those times provide light on the efforts of medics and vaccine advocates to vaccinate the whole population.At first, the islander's attitude to these attempts was icy.Children were not taken by their parents to these vaccination campaign classes.The government fined the parents later on.Thus, several reports and regulations made to avoid smallpox become exceedingly helpful; the article summarises these in chronological and thematic order to emphasise their significance.
The people of the newly established colony in 1874 were not protected by vaccinations when Sir Arthur Gordon arrived to serve as governor.The Excellency received numerous letters from the Chief Medical Officer, Dr McGregor, who emphasised the dire need to introduce immunisation.The governor understood the significance of the issue altogether.The Vaccination Ordinance of 1877 was the first effort.On 7 December 1877, an amendment ordinance was passed ten months later (CSO78/1172, 1879). 18Before the law's implementation, evidence indicates that Fijians migrating overseas had undergone vaccination procedures.In 1848 and 1850, Phebe, a young Fijian servant girl, embarked on a journey to Manila in the company of a ship captain's wife.She received vaccination against smallpox amidst an epidemic (Chappell, 1998; Mishra, 2014). 1975, when the vaccination was widely used, the first significant records of its implementation appeared.From November 1875 until June 1877, Dr. Mayo served as the health officer in Kadavu.About five thousand natives had been vaccinated, due to him.Some inflated statistics of the unvaccinated are also available during this period; for example, The exact period of the census of Kadavu revealed a total population of 7,400, of which 2,500 were not vaccinated.Numbers were likely fudged so that the vaccination campaign for this new colony could go on as planned and meet its basic needs (CSO MP78/1172, 1879). 20The colonial secretary's office relied on Dr Mayo's word of mouth, and, as a result, their numbers were skewed (CSO MP78/1172, 1879). 21dinance No. IV of 1877 specifies the appointment of a general vaccinator, demonstrating the British government's profound interest in the vaccination drive and its desire to ensure its officials are up to the task.A public report summarising the year's vaccination progress had been submitted to the Governor by March 1 st of each year, as required by the ordinance, and he had to carry out these responsibilities in full (CSO MP78/1172, 1879). 22For its "vaccination program," the British maintained a rigorous year-by-year and region-by-region classification to retain accurate records of areas covered and unaffected regions.For example, in 1878, the total number of individuals vaccinated in Fiji since colonisation was 24,497 as of 31 December 1878 (CSO MP78/1172, 1879). 23

'Vaccination campaign'
Fiji is comprised of a multitude of islands, a portion of which are characterised by their remote and geographically isolated nature.The dispersed geographical distribution of the islands posed challenges in effectively providing vaccination services to all indigenous communities.The presence of inadequate transportation infrastructure and the lack of healthcare facilities in remote regions presented considerable obstacles in distributing vaccines to these populations.Consequently, a significant proportion of indigenous Fijians residing in geographically isolated areas experienced limited availability of vaccination services.
The colonization of Fiji was driven by political and economic motives, which prompted the initiation of the "Vaccination campaign".Before initiating this campaign, a comprehensive administrative framework was established to facilitate the necessary preparations.These preparations encompassed various measures such as selecting and appointing vaccine administrators, acquiring essential pharmaceuticals, and other relevant procedures.Introducing vaccines to the New World was a deliberate and well-orchestrated endeavour.The vaccination campaign was meticulously organized and had substantial government backing.Multiple records document the recruitment of indigenous and European vaccinators who received remuneration of one shilling per vaccine from the government's funds (CSO80/578; CSO78/1172, 1879). 24The Reverends Mr Laugham and Reverend Fison were granted a modest allowance to oversee the isolation of indentured labourers, with the British government sharing the associated expenses, as indicated by the payment made for the appointment of vaccinators (CSO MP78/1172, 1879). 25e financial responsibility for the vaccinations fell upon the British, as European vaccinators submitted legitimate vouchers to the Chief Medical Officers for reimbursement, in addition to their designated salaries and allowances, for administering the vaccine.Dr. Cruikshank, as an illustration, purportedly levied a fee of 1 shilling for each instance of successful vaccination.However, it is worth noting that there are other documented instances referencing a charge of 6 shillings per individual for vaccination services rendered to Polynesian immigrants (Letter 80-983, 1880). 26e colonial administration paid the European vaccinator in a province a predetermined salary, and ten to twelve local vaccinators were also hired.The European officers were tasked with inspecting the provincial vaccinators, their performance, and their travels to the various districts.The annual cost to the British vaccinator was estimated to be 500 pounds (CSO MP/80/1003, 1880). 27There were recommendations to fix the European officers' salaries at 250 pounds without trade allowance and roughly 12 pounds for each provincial vaccinator, which was a pittance compared to the European officers (CSO MP/80/1003, 1880). 28The British also attempted to maximise the use of the vaccinator as and when needed in various places, as many were shifted based on need (CSO MP/1231/1892, 1892). 29

Vaccines: Quality and effectiveness
Colonial health officials usually cited two technical issues with vaccinations.The effectiveness of vaccines and the completeness of delivery regarding following protocols and reaching enough of the population.Health professionals quickly identified an issue with immunisations losing their efficacy (Schneider, 2009). 30Lymph was the medicine used to stop the spread of smallpox, and the British were also financially responsible for its purchase.Evidence shows that Fiji's lymph was obtained from New Zealand, specifically from Dr Faulkner's Hasting Institute of Vaccination (1892; CSO 1102/1893, 1895/2819; CSO MP, 1892). 31According to several reports, the colonisers carefully double-checked the quantity and quality of the medicine they purchased.The findings of the 1891 study demonstrated that the imported lymph, which had been distributed in Suva using the armto-arm method, was of satisfactory quality (CSO MP, 1892; Hacon, 1890). 32In addition to the initial reports, additional research has revealed references to a failed attempt at humanised lymph vaccination in the Fiji Islands (CSO MP, 1892). 33Furthermore, Some lymph was also transmitted to the resident commissioner at Rotuma (CSO MP, 1892). 34In subsequent years, it was discovered that the District Medical Officers and Native Medical Practitioners were periodically supplied with new lymph received monthly from New Zealand.Payment was made through colonial government funds evident from vouchers of 14 pounds passed in 1894 (CSO MP 605/1894, 1894). 35ubsequently, these healthcare practitioners would administer vaccinations to all school children and unvaccinated individuals discovered during their district-wide tours (Annual Report, 1934). 36bout the vaccination against smallpox, it is noteworthy to mention that the Director of Medical Services has received a limited quantity of dried lymph (calf vaccine) from Dr. Otter of the Pasteur Institute, Bandoeng, Java, courtesy of Dr. H. de Rook (Annual Report, 1935). 37

Religion, society and impact of vaccination
The Fijians recognise the contagious nature of certain diseases.However, they had to distinguish between physical contamination and supernatural agency concepts, such as the mana or occult influence of illness.Other conditions, such as dysentery, cough, and cold, were unknown until foreign ships visited the islands, which led the locals to believe that the Europeans brought these diseases with them (Thomson, 1908, p. 250). 38e Fijians were not the only islanders to assert that foreigners introduced dysentery and influenza to their communities.According to Dr. Turner, a missionary, this is a common belief among native Pacific islanders: Coughs, influenza, dysentery and some skin diseases, the Tannese attribute to their intercourse with white men, and call them "foreign things".When a person is ill, the next question is, 'What is the matter?Is it Nahak (witchcraft) or a foreign thing?(Thomson, 1908,  p. 247; Turner, 1861). 39e inaugural immigrant vessel, Leonidas, embarked from the port on the fourth day of March in 1879.The total number of individuals on board amounted to 498, comprising 273 males, 146 females, 47 male children, and 32 female children (Lal, 1982). 40There was an outbreak of Cholera and smallpox on board, which was cited as follows: Only three days after leaving the Hoogly, cholera and smallpox broke out on the vessel.Cholera struck a European sailor first and soon spread to the migrants.The Surgeon Superintendent, Dr J. Welsh, acted quickly.The stricken sailor was placed in a tent at the forecastle head, with a man to attend him.All his clothing and possessions were thrown overboard, and the forecastle head was constantly washed with carbolic acid.Migrants with cholera were kept in the hospital under strict surveillance, while those struck by smallpox were restricted to the only spare place on the ship, the sail locker.The between decks, hospitals and privies were also thoroughly disinfected, whitewashed and fumigated.The diet for all on board was lowered, and children were dosed with castor oil, laudanum and rum and fed on arrowroot and sago for four or five days. 41 reached Levuka after a passage of 72 days on NaN Invalid Date .There were 481 immigrants on board.Much anxiety was caused on the shore when it became known that epidemic cholera occurred during the voyage, and some smallpox cases were reported (Bach, 1921, p. 38). 42Upon receiving prompt notification of its imminent arrival, J.B. Thurston, the esteemed Colonial Secretary, expeditiously embarked on an early morning voyage in an exposed boat to caution the captain regarding the perilous route leading to the harbour.Upon nearing the vessel, the Surgeon Superintendent vociferously proclaimed the presence of cholera and smallpox on board.The news was disconcerting, as a few years prior, a measles outbreak had resulted in the death of 40,000 out of the total population of 160,000 individuals in Fiji.Thurston expeditiously conveyed the news to the acting Governor, George William Des Voeux, without delving into the precise details of the calamity, which were challenging to ascertain due to the overpowering cacophony emanating from the breakers.Following expedited discussions, Dr William MacGregor, the Chief Medical Officer, was dispatched to gather additional details.According to his report, despite the previous decline of the cholera outbreak, recent smallpox cases were observed shortly before the vessel arrived in the waters of Fiji (Lal, 2012). 43The ship was quarantined for two months under Dr W. McGregor, and Yanuca Lailai was chosen for the Quarantine centre.The enquiry pertained to identifying a suitable quarantine facility to accommodate all migrants satisfactorily.Yanuca Lailai, a diminutive island spanning approximately 100 acres, had been previously designated and constructed with residential structures capable of accommodating 350 persons.To accommodate an additional 150 individuals, the Governor imposed a levy on the residents of Moturiki and Ovalau.By May 20 th , a mere two days following the directive's issuance, a contingent of 700 Fijian men was dispatched to Yanuca Lailai to construct an additional twenty Fijian bures.The requisite materials had previously been gathered from the woodland and transported to the island.The Fijians displayed remarkable diligence and efficiency, completing the task within three days.Additionally, they constructed a hospital, storehouse, and quarters for the depot keeper (Lal,  2012). 44Subsequently, thirty residences were incorporated to accommodate married individuals and those with dependents.The group of young Fijian men were trained as public vaccinators.They became quite adept at their work and resourceful that the colonial government saw the need for medical practitioners in rural areas (Samisoni, 1999). 45Due to the deafening loudness of the breakers, Thurston could not assess the full extent of the calamity before reporting it to the acting Governor, George William Des Voeux.Following some brief meetings, Chief Medical Officer Dr William MacGregor was sent out to gather additional details.He said that smallpox cases had re-emerged days before the ship sailed into Fijian seas, although deadly cholera had been eradicated for some years (Lal, 2012). 46he labourers were kept under quarantine till 15 August 1879 (Lal, 2012). 47ound 500 people, known as coolies, sailed from India to Suva on the ship Poonah on 19 June 1883.A total of 26 people died during the journey from communicable illnesses such as cholera, smallpox, and measles.The ship and crew were quarantined, as were the Suva port master and pilot responsible for the ship's arrival.Several Collies died after being sent to Nukulau Island.On June 28, four Europeans, including the captain and three coolies from the ship Poonah, escaped in a small boat.Unfortunately, they were quickly arrested in a creek outside the port, so their freedom was brief.The government had taken precautions to reduce the spread of sickness (Evening News, 1883). 48References exist documenting incidences of smallpox in Fiji, specifically in Ba town located in Viti Levu.On 5 December 1884, the health department received a complaint regarding a smallpox case.The individual in question, Dhanuk Dhari Singh, an Indian, presented himself at the hospital and informed the medical staff that his wife was afflicted with smallpox (CSOMP 1894/4578). 49Chinese coolie, who disembarked from Apea, contracted the smallpox virus.Subsequently, an epidemic ensued, leading to the unfortunate demise of six individuals.The indigenous population experienced a high level of enthusiasm.A stringent quarantine measure had been implemented.On Monday, the steamer Tofua departed from this location, with its destination set for Sydney.The vessel was granted a clean bill of health (Chronicle, 1913).50 The potential introduction of smallpox into Fiji from Australia had prompted the islands' authorities to implement passenger restrictions on individuals arriving from Australia.It had been announced that only passengers who had received successful vaccination would be permitted to disembark (The Sun, 1921).51 On 26 January 1927, it was reported that two additional fatalities and one newly identified case of smallpox had emerged at the quarantine station.These individuals were among the passengers who had contracted the disease while aboard the steamer Ganges.According to a subsequent communication from Suva, it had been reported that two fatalities resulting from smallpox had transpired at the designated quarantine facility, alongside the identification of a newly registered case.Considerable efforts were being undertaken to eradicate the disease (Goulburn Evening Penny Post, 1927).52 However, before the arrival of Indians to Fiji, the smallpox vaccination ordinance and "vaccination campaign" was carried out in British Fiji (Ordinance IV of, 1877).53 Even the British parliament showed immense concern for this "vaccination campaign", where they took adequate measures to prevent the spread of this epidemic through infected coolie, which were introduced in the Fiji group of islands.British wanted to avoid the blame for spreading this disease via their ships carrying coolies to Fiji, as they had long-term plans to sustain their rule in Fiji.To achieve this goal, they took several measures; firstly, they adopted stringent measures to prevent direct contact between vessels and the shore, as Leonidas was stationed inside a barrier reef and anchored tactfully; lastly, several boats were positioned in a way to prevent all unauthorised communication with the ship and even guards with rifles were given the order to fire at any person who attempted to break the quarantine.Even the natives feared the possible dissemination of smallpox via coolies coming in British ships.This reason also may have compelled the British to introduce a "vaccination campaign" among the coolies. Th measures helped confine the infection to the boat, as smallpox was largely unknown in Fiji then (Australian Town and Country Journal, 1880).54 However, contradictory to that, some cases of failure of the auxiliary tool came to the surface when the death of some natives took place due to vaccination, as reported by Dr Corney in September 1879 in Serua district (CSOMP 79/1538, 1879).55 Another tentative motive for the "vaccination campaign" could be the goal of the British to successfully conduct this operation and extend their position within the Fijian society.After political and economic domination, they simultaneously had an objective to be socially acceptable to have long-term colonisation of the Fiji Islands.

Native medical practitioners vs. Colonial vaccinators
In 1875, after a year of Fiji's colonisation by the British, the infant colony was devastated by the measles epidemic, which killed 40,000 native Fijians (I-Taukei) who had not previously encountered the disease and, therefore, had no immunity to the said disease.To fulfil the economic demand of its empire, the British introduced the Indian Indenture system in 1879.However, the Europeans realised the probability of an outbreak of smallpox and other new diseases unless preventive measures were taken.Therefore, the "vaccination campaign" was launched in Fiji because Europeans had experienced the devastation of smallpox in their home and other parts of their Empire.The Chief Medical Officer, Sir William McGregor (Dr McGregor), was fascinated with the necessity for action.Still, due to financial limits and the high salary of European medical men in the colony, he considered training the Native Fijian youth to work on a low wage and solve the shortage of medical men in the territory (Guthrie, 2016). 56 official paper presented by the Chief medical officer before the legislative council of Fiji in December 1883 mentioned the outbreak of an epidemic in the colony.It proposed to form a class of students carefully selected from among the most intelligent Fijian people who, after completing a course of practical instruction in the hospital, may be sent out to assist in healing the sick and arresting the progress of the disease in the remote area of the colony(Margaret,2016). 57He also mentioned the engagement of students in vaccination: " . . .these students will also be taught to vaccinate, and those who evince any aptitude or inclination for it may be taught to dispense the simplest form of medicine" (Margaret,2016). 58e result of the above paper presented before the legislative council as it promoted the economic vested interest of colonial administration was that the first medical school was founded in 1886 in the colony(Margaret,2016). 59e Fijians were trained as public vaccinators, and quarantine measures were to be performed by them.The "Native Practitioners Ordinance" was passed on NaN Invalid Date .The ordinance says that any Fijian who had attended the three-year course and passed the examination in medicine and surgery held in Suva in November and December should be entitled to the Certificate as a Native Medical Practitioner (NMP) and 'the chief medical officer shall have power at any time and from time to time to recall and cancel any certificate (Native Practitioners Ordinance,1888). 60As a vaccinator, the government paid NMPs two pounds ten shillings a year, and they were not allowed to claim any remuneration for any other service (Native Practitioners Ordinance,1888). 61Under the Native Practitioner Ordinance 1888, "the native practitioner shall not be deemed a Medical Practitioner" (Native Practitioners Ordinance,1888). 62cording to 1892 reports, the native practitioner must show competence and conduct vaccination during the appointment.So many cases were filed against native practitioners who failed to reflect the requirements.This happens due to the apathy and loss of practice (CSO MP/1102/ 1893), 63 which seemed quite frequent in the Fijian character.These native practitioners had to face severe consequences as the issuing of certificates was deferred, and sometimes, they were compelled to withdraw from practice (CSO MP/1102/1893). 64On the contrary, there was also evidence of efficient workers among native practitioners, who performed their allocated tasks quite efficiently without facing any brunt from the British authorities (CSO MP/1102/1893). 65

Vaccination campaign: Vaccinators, procedures adopted, and areas covered
During the initial phase of British colonization, the implementation of the "Vaccination Campaign" to address the smallpox outbreak encountered notable challenges.In accordance with the recommendations outlined in the 1879 report, efforts were undertaken to implement a vaccination program during the later months of 1875 and the early months of 1876 (CSO MP/1102/1893). 66Dr. Cruickshank orchestrated a specific initiative to administer vaccinations to the residents of Ovalau Island.The British administration diligently recorded the vaccination status of individuals, distinguishing between those who received the vaccine and those who did not.This information was reflected in the census data compiled by the Native Department, which indicated a population of 2129 individuals on the island.Notably, 299 individuals were likely absent from their homes during the general vaccination campaign led by Dr Cruickshank and thus were not included in the overall count (CSO MP 78/1172). 67He was employed to vaccinate Taveuni natives between June and December 1877 when he vaccinated 1431 persons as per the Ordinance of 1877 (Ordinance, 1877). 68Dr. Cruickshank discussed the challenges associated with administering vaccinations to indigenous populations.Firstly, many individuals were not present at the vaccination centres.Secondly, the individual encountered resistance or indifference from the chiefs.The observed disparities between the provisional roster of vaccinations and the census data were indicative of this phenomenon (CSO MP 78/1172). 69e maintenance of records included the categorisation of location, the quantification of individuals vaccinated, the identification of the vaccinator, and the documentation of their service activities.The aforementioned reasons underscore the significance of this data in illustrating the British efforts to attain success in their vaccination campaign (See Table 1).The criteria of distinction were specified in the report of 1879, for example.This substantial data contributes to the monitoring of annual progress.Dr. Corney, accompanied by an assistant from Fiji, proceeded with their research activities in the Rewa district.In contrast, Mr. Graburn administered vaccinations to Sabeto, Vuda, Vitogo, and Ba residents, subsequently extending the immunization efforts to the Ra Province(CSO MP 78/1172). 70e "Vaccination Campaign" was carried out not just by trained European doctors but also by missionaries.The initiation of vaccination on the island of Lakeba in early 1876 was undertaken by Reid and Fison, who were Wesleyan Missionaries.Most inhabitants residing on the island had vaccinations administered by Mr Fison, while the other individuals were vaccinated by the indigenous population who had received training from him.In addition to missionaries, indigenous individuals were also involved in the "Vaccination Campaign", albeit under the guidance and oversight of European authorities.The problematic issue revolved around the training and certification of these indigenous individuals(CSO MP 78/1172). 71e report of 1879 mentions the area-wise data of people vaccinated in the Lakeba region.In this region, the vaccination was performed mainly by the natives under the supervision of Mr Fison, as the report reflected that 802 people were successfully vaccinated in Lakeba(CSO MP 78/1172). 72nother instance of hiring the natives was done in June 1877 when Dr Corney began to vaccinate in two provinces of Viti Levu (Suva and lower Rewa Districts).Initially, he performed all operations, but probably due to substantial demographic space to cover or shortage of funds or to expedite the Vaccination campaign, he hired four Fijians in September 1878 to vaccinate under his supervision.The vaccination progress was under surveillance, and the towns separately to avoid confusion in future(CSO MP 78/1172). 73Thus, it can be suggested that the natives played a helpful role in implementing and making this campaign successful despite varied difficulties.Another category of vaccinators were traders, who sometimes vaccinated the people unnecessarily, erroneous practices and lack of efficient control of vaccinators.For example, Mr George Gearish, "a trader residing in Oneata, vaccinated the people of that place unnecessarily"(CSO MP 78/1172). 74During the vaccination process in Kandavu, Dr. Mayo brought attention to the following instance: 'A resident named Dr.Hankey offered his assistance in the vaccination process and was identified as a registered medical practitioner for New South Wales; however, his name could not be located on the list (CSO MP 75/323). 75

Vaccination challenges
The implementation of smallpox vaccination in colonial Fiji encountered various obstacles.The Indigenous Fijians possessed distinct belief systems, perspectives, and cultural customs pertaining to matters of health and disease.The presence of Indigenous resistance towards vaccination presented considerable challenges in the effective execution of vaccination initiatives.
Those who were vaccinated had proper vaccination certification.According to reports, Mr McKay (possibly a European Vaccinator) began vaccination in August 1878 and vaccinated many people on numerous islands (CSO MP 75/323). 76In total, 3399 people were vaccinated, and valid vaccination certificates were given (CSO MP 75/323). 77The implementation of worldwide campaigns is typically observed inside countries through the organization of National Immunization Days (NIDS).In Fiji, an additional strategy implemented for vaccination involved establishing designated procedures for organizing a "Vaccination Day".This practice is mentioned in the 1890 report, which highlights the organization of a weekly public Vaccination Day in Suva.Formal notifications were disseminated through the Royal Gazette and the local newspaper to ensure widespread awareness (CSO MP, 1892). 78Despite the ineffectiveness of these arrangements, the general populace should have taken advantage of these services, resulting in only two European families reaping the benefits (CSO MP, 1892). 79e British authorities implemented stringent procedures in response to persistent failures in persuading the indigenous population to undergo vaccination.Recommendations were put out in order to attain their objective.The superintendent of police was granted the power to prosecute individuals (specifically in Suva) who had not complied with the vaccination legislation, and stringent measures were proposed to ensure compliance with the necessary procedures throughout the entire colony.In 1891, legal action was initiated against the prosecution in the village of Bua due to their failure to attend the vaccination camp.As a consequence, a fine was enforced (CSO MP 1894/4578). 80The establishment of British public health, medicine, and education concepts in colonial territories was contingent upon adhering to the overarching governance framework upheld by the colonial state (Plange & Alam, 2023). 81e disease increased in November and December, making it difficult for vaccinators to vaccinate the youngsters because many were pronounced unsuitable.As a result, the "vaccination campaign" had to be postponed, and these months harmed not only the children but also the vaccinators (CSO MP 1894/4578). 82These immunizations were administered to Fijian newborns up to six months old and European newborns.There have been discrepancies in the total number of births and immunizations in Europe (CSO MP 1894/4578). 83e Health, Educational, and Administrative Authorities have strategically designed, produced, and disseminated a range of brochures and posters in English, Fijian, and Hindi.These informative materials have been strategically placed and shown in suitable areas (Alam & Plange, 2023). 84The British employed an additional approach in their efforts to carry out the "vaccination campaign," which involved the dissemination of a historical account of European explorations, the misuse and subsequent decline of variolation as a means of safeguarding against smallpox, presented in the vernacular through the publication known as "Na Mata."The administration of these immunizations had a crucial role in treating several smallpox cases in Europe, emerging as a critical source of medical intervention.The Aboriginal population was motivated to utilize these treatments for the purpose of treating smallpox (CSO MP/1102/1893). 85rthermore, the British authorities implemented a structured program of public lectures and examinations for indigenous scholars to emphasise vaccination's historical significance and efficacy among the native population.This initiative was undertaken in response to parents' observed need for compliance in vaccinating their children (CSO MP/1102/1893). 86Consequently, the colonizers implemented a mandatory vaccination policy in the colony, asserting that vaccination was administered weekly until the entire community was immunised.Therefore, instructional sessions were carried out, accompanied by informative demonstrations, with the intention of making a lasting impression on the students (CSO MP/1102/1893). 87Vaccine strategies were implemented in all public schools lacking vaccine coverage (CSO MP/1102/1893). 88According to a report from 1892, a weekly schedule was established in Suva to administer calf lymph vaccinations to the general public at a suitable time.However, it appears that the appeal for vaccination may not be feasible, as only thirty-one individuals sought vaccination throughout the year.Among this group, nine were children of European descent, while the majority consisted of Samoans, individuals of mixed heritage, Melanesians, and a small number of native Fijians (CSO MP/1102/1893). 89ccording to the 1892 report, the projected number of successful immunizations was 3,500 (CSO MP 78/1172). 90In spite of the considerable endeavours (Advertisement in newspapers, Vaccination Day, etc.) undertaken by Bolton G. Corney, the Chief Medical Officer, in 1892 to ensure the success of the "vaccination campaign," he reported that, after a duration of ten months, a mere twentyone individuals had presented themselves in Suva.Therefore, he proposed implementing a sequence of legal actions against individuals who failed to receive vaccinations and granted the superintendent of police the power to enforce appropriate measures against offenders (CSO MP 78/ 1172). 91According to the 1892 report, the vaccination program was impeded by the high incidence of epidemic influenza and whooping cough (CSO MP/1102/1893). 92cording to the 1893 report, Francis J. Pound, the chief medical officer, spoke with the Colonial Secretary over the excessive workload experienced during the "vaccination campaign".Pound expressed concern over the high number of sick officers and the overwhelming burden placed upon him.The individual conducted the immunisation task by collaborating with ten local provincial vaccinators during the initial eight months, and an additional fifteen vaccinators for the remaining duration of the year.In addition, a medical district officer from Europe provided assistance to him (CSO MP, 1893). 93The chief medical officer expressed a sense of powerlessness as individuals from both Fijian and European backgrounds exhibited a declining inclination towards vaccination (CSO MP, 1893). 94The CMO employs an appropriate tabular format to illustrate the distribution of successful, questionable, and failed vaccines across different districts and the number of individuals absent from inspection.
The emergence of anti-vaccination sentiments in Britain and the association of opposition to vaccination programs with a deep distrust of colonial rule and state medical intervention in India, as highlighted by David Arnold, underscored the significance of these sentiments within the broader context of "body politics."These sentiments were intertwined with the colonial regime's other coercive and foreign elements (Arnold, 1988; Durbach, 2005). 95Melissa and Fairhead have provided evidence to support the notion that vaccination can be perceived as a universally beneficial practice, devoid of bias, and intricately intertwined with political dynamics.Vaccination is said to be entangled in ongoing power conflicts pertaining to social standing, authoritative control, and the determination of societal worth (Fairhead & Leach, 2012). 96e report from 1894 brings attention to the widespread implementation of vaccination, which was carried out by both native medical officers and government officials, as well as private practitioners such as Dr. Blyth.The task was executed in Suva over the course of that same year (CSO MP/1895/2819). 97Significant opposition to the "vaccination program" was also documented, with numerous individuals from the indigenous population failing to bring their children for examination despite the British authorities deeming it a violation under sections 6 and 7 of the vaccination ordinance 1888.A legal action was filed alleging that a traditional healer subjected a fellow community member to persecution in accordance with the mentioned regulation.However, the rationale provided by the marginalized individuals was that the "Native practitioner in question had not received official designation as the province vaccinator".Similar occurrences were also observed in other provinces, indicating that indigenous individuals employed diverse methods to exempt themselves from the penalty requirement if they could not present their children for inspection and subsequent immunization (CSO MP/1895/2819). 98Several chief medical officers tried to demonstrate a consistent enhancement in the "vaccination campaign," occasionally hindered by natural calamities such as storms in Fiji.The primary aim of their endeavour was to amplify the perception of their achievements and the impact of vaccination on recently established baby settlements.
According to a report by Sir Dr. Charles T.W. Hirsch, district medical officer Rewa, an additional obstacle to the vaccination program was the need for more consent for inspection and subsequent immunization by the Buli or the chairman of the district council.The officer in question strongly recommends that punitive measures be taken against the individual referred to as "Buli", since he had been identified as the primary perpetrator in the denial of the inspection permission.This observation may indicated the resistance at the district level towards the European criteria pertaining to vaccination.
The indigenous population found themselves in a challenging predicament, as they were coerced by the British authorities to undergo vaccination or face penalties in accordance with the ordinance.However, if they chose to be vaccinated without the consent of Buli, their district leader, they risked punishment based on the European medical officer's adherence to communal traditional laws of obedience.Hence, the Fijian individuals engaged in a process of assigning responsibility to one another as a means of evading the act of receiving vaccinations (CSO MP, 1649/1894). 99Additionally, there was a scarcity of Vuni Wai Taukei, who were the native medical practitioners, available to administer the "vaccination campaign" under European oversight.This shortage likely addressed the mentioned obstacle of conducting vaccinations at the district level (CSO MP, 1649/1894). 100The designated hierarchy of authorities was established to oversee the vaccination process, wherein government medical personnel and Vuni Wai Taukei were assigned the role of public vaccinators, operating under the guidance and supervision of the government.The indigenous healers must submit their reports to a medical officer employed by the government, and afterwards, both parties are obligated to report to the Chief Medical Officer (CSO MP, 1649/1894). 101Moreover, as Section 3 of the ordinance stipulated, the Governor has the authority to designate one or many provincial vaccinators within any given province (CSO MP, 1649/1894). 102e British diligently upheld meticulous tabulation and record-keeping practices to monitor the progress of their vaccination campaign.They compiled nominal lists of vaccinated individuals as a means of documenting the effectiveness of their efforts (CSO MP 78/1172). 103The individuals expressed apprehension regarding implementing an expeditious "vaccination campaign," wherein the issuance of certificates may be deferred until the threat of an epidemic has been mitigated.In order to mitigate the spread of smallpox, lymph was also disseminated across diverse provinces.This distribution process was executed based on the reported vaccination numbers in different regions (CSO MP 78/1172). 104The British medical officers stated that there is "no means of accurately estimating the colony's total population, but judging roughly . . . the entire population was considerably under 100,000"(CSO MP 78/1172). 105Therefore, to demonstrate their achievement in vaccination, they asserted that they had immunized 40% of Fiji's total population within five years following colonization (CSO MP 78/1172). 106nsequently, the official implemented appropriate measures to prevent the proliferation of diseases inside the community.The British officials in Fiji exhibited a sense of urgency in appointing Vaccinators, comprising both European and local individuals.Nevertheless, there were variations in the selection criteria employed, with a preference for Europeans.At the same time, the indigenous population was required to present a medical certificate in order to secure the appointment.

Conclusions
Based on an extensive examination of the historical background pertaining to the emergence of smallpox and the implementation of vaccination practices in the Pacific Islands, with a particular focus on the Fiji Islands, it is evident that the British authorities were motivated by multiple factors in their endeavour to ensure the efficacy of the "vaccination campaign."Initially, despite the reluctance of the islanders to undergo vaccination and inspection, the colonizers implemented a substantial administrative infrastructure by enlisting European and indigenous vaccinators.This measure aimed not only to safeguarded the health of the colonizers but also to extended medical treatment to the indigenous population, potentially facilitating their long-term colonization.This statement elucidates the underlying political objectives of the British government to exercise governance over Fiji, so asserting control, while concurrently seeking to attain a strategic edge in the South Pacific Islands.Furthermore, alongside the political impetus, the British vaccination campaign in Fiji was driven by economic considerations.The objective was to sustain a steady stream of revenue by utilizing both indigenous and foreign labourers in the plantations, while simultaneously mitigating the impact of this perilous pandemic.Moreover, it is important to acknowledge the religious implications associated with this effort, specifically the use of smallpox as a means to propagate Christianity in Fiji.Hence, medicine served as a supplementary tool to religious practices in facilitating the administration of vaccinations through participation in religious ceremonies.In addition to religious missions, this campaign served as a means to rationalize the incorporation of the British into Fijian culture and expand their role as a benevolent force in ameliorating the human condition.In conclusion, a comprehensive range of strategies were implemented to ensure the vaccination campaign's success.These strategies included recruiting various types of vaccinators, including native, European, missionaries, traders, and private individuals.Additionally, efforts were made to promote the campaign by establishing a designated "Vaccination Day" and issuing vaccination certificates.Legal measures were also taken to address non-compliance, with the prosecution and fining of individuals who avoided vaccination.Furthermore, disseminating information through publications and lectures was crucial in raising awareness.Lastly, the campaign's overall approach explored alternative methods such as contesting with the Buli and importing lymph.In summary, the vaccination program yielded economic, political, religious, social, and strategic ramifications that facilitated the British Empire's successful colonization of the Fiji Islands.

Table 1 . Number of vaccination and name of Vaccinator Place Number vaccinated Name of Vaccinator Date
Source: Annual Vaccination Report, 1879, National Archives of Fiji.