Linguistic landscape of Mojosari: Language policy, language vitality and commodification of language

Abstract This current article presents the linguistic landscape in Mojosari, Mojokerto, East Java, Indonesia. The existing linguistic landscape studies in East Java merely focus on the pattern of the use of various languages in certain areas. They do not relate the patterns with other aspects of language policy. The present study tries to relate the use of languages in the signs with discussions on other aspects of language policy, that is, rules and regulations, and language vitality as well as the commodification of language. The data were collected by taking pictures of 600 top-down and bottom-up signs in six places in Mojosari, that is, two markets, two hospitals, and two tourist places in Mojosari. The quantitative analysis shows that the linguistic landscape in the six areas is dominated by the Indonesian language, which shows loyalty to the central government’s language policy, followed by English and some other languages. Javanese is rarely used in the signs although Javanese is the first language for the majority of inhabitants of Mojosari. Both the local government and the local people follow the central government’s language policy. In addition, the findings also report that the commodification of a language does not occur in Mojosari LL. Limitations of the study and suggestions for future research are provided at the end of the paper.


Introduction
Linguistic landscape (hereby, LL) as the language in street names, advertising billboards, public road signs, commercial shops, and public signs in government buildings creating the linguistic landscape in a given region was first presented by Landry and Bourhis (1997, p. 25).Linguistic landscape research may include top-down and bottom-up signs where the term top-down refers to the official language from policymakers or governments that can be found in official signs (Gorter, 2007).Top-down signs are made by members of officials in some places like signs in hospitals, schools, libraries, offices, etc. Bottom-up signs are signs created by individuals that can be in the form of posters, graffiti, advertising boards, shop names, etc.In light of the ethnolinguistic vitality framework, their research shows that the information gained from LL studies may become a vital source of information in the process of language maintenance and reverse language shift.Landry and Bourhis (1997) also introduced two basic functions of LL as an informational function and a symbolic function which were then further elaborated by other researchers, for example, Fakhiroh and Rohmah (2018, pp. 103-107) who found six functions on signs alongside the main roads of Sidoarjo City.Among the functions are to provide information and regulation, to symbolize something, to conserve the local language, to show and introduce the identity, to show readiness to welcome international visitors, and to attract more customers, especially for signs containing foreign languages.This is also matched with Alfaifi's (2015) observation of the LL functions of the vital areas of Khamis Mushait, Saudi Arabia which are to guide foreigners, researchers, and visitors to the understanding of "the languages, relationships impacting commerce, cultures, tourism, investment, education, tourism, and public opinion" (p.1), and to convey messages expressed in the signs.
A number of researchers have conducted analyses on the linguistic landscape of different cities.Backhaus (2006) focused his research on multilingual signs in Tokyo where he discovered that official signs were created to reinforce and express the power relations and the non-official signs containing foreign languages were used to communicate with non-Japanese.Research in Italy was conducted by Gorter (2009) to identify the diversity of languages in the monolingual city of Rome.Further research focuses more on specific areas, like commercial areas, tourist places, places of worship, and educational places.Leeman and Modan's (2010) research in Washington DC's Chinatown analyzed how the written language interacts with other features to construct urban places where sociohistorical aspects of the community are in a vital position to understand the larger part of the sociopolitical meaning of the overall linguistic landscape of the area ornamented with various Chinese character.Sumarlam et al. (2020) LL research collecting data on halal food stalls and restaurants in Malang discovered the domination of monolingual and bilingual Indonesian languages, English, and Javanese in the signs.Moreover, research in Banda Aceh shopping centers identified the prevalent use of English which is somewhat extraordinary considering that the area is mostly inhabited by Muslims (Mubarak & Abdul Muthalib, 2021).The qualitative analysis of the data reports that longing for uniqueness and wanting to be distinctive is the major reason for the use of English in the area.A similar situation can be observed with the use of Arabic in Leipzig's commercial area where Arabic was commodified to attract more customers (Yusuf et al., 2022).Specific interests in LL in tourist locations are apparent from a number of LL studies.Moriarty (2014) was concerned with the language ideology of people surrounding the tourism place of Dingle in Irish where the commodification of language also occurs here due to economic reasons.Said and Rohmah's (2018) study also uncovers the commodification of Arabic in tourist areas in Andalusia, Spain where Spanish is the official language and Arabic is just one of the minority languages.Dissimilar to these studies, da Silva et al. ( 2021) study shows that the Indonesian language still dominates Malioboro Street; thus, the commodification of any language does not occur.The shop owners and sellers are still loyal to the government's language policy.While the issues of language commodification and language loyalty emerge in the LL studies in commercial areas and tourist places, it does not happen in religious and academic spaces.While focusing on LL study on the places of worship in the multilingual society of Surabaya, Wafa and Wijayanti (2018) obtained data by taking photos of 386 outdoor and indoor signs of 10 outstanding religious places in the city, namely, mosques, churches, Chinese temples, Hindu temples, and Buddhist temples.Indonesian, Balinese, Javanese, Madurese, Malay, English, Chinese, Arabic, Pali language, Latin language, German, French, Dutch, and Japanese were found in the 10 places of worship.The Indonesian language remained the mostly-used language in mosques, churches, and Buddhist temples.Chinese was the language mostly used in the Chinese temples; meanwhile, Indonesian and Balinese languages were equally the same as the most often displayed language in the Hindu temple.In Yusuf and Putrie's (2022) study, the languages displayed in the mosque do not just represent the identity of the Muslim groups participating and taking care of the religious place, but they also put boundaries from those wanting to control the group; hence, there is a struggle of influence and power among subgroups.Unlike the abovementioned study, Yusuf et al. (2022) report that the domination of the Indonesian language in the LL of the Islamic boarding house shows submissiveness to the government policy on the use of language in communication.
Similar to LL studies in religious sites, LL research in educational locations does not discuss any issues related to language commodification.Kweldju's (2021) investigation brought LL data to be used in the classroom to facilitate students' learning of morphological aspects of the English language.Setiawati et al. (2020) and Setiawati and Junining's (2022) studies both collected data from posters and announcement boards displayed in schools' environments but with different focuses of analysis.Setiawati et al. (2020) research paid much attention to the ecocritic aspects of the posters.Meanwhile, Setiawati and Junining's (2022) study spotlighted the aspects of character education where eight characters were identified, namely environment maintenance, prevention of juvenile delinquency, health, discipline, motivation, behaviors, religious beliefs, and nationalism.
Drawing the large picture of LL studies showing that commodification of language occurs in tourism and commercial areas but does not occur in religious and academic spheres, it needs to check whether this pattern also occurs in a particular area in East Java.To the best of the researchers' knowledge, such kind of research has not been conducted in East Java.Therefore, the current research tries to see whether language commodification exists in Mojosari.While looking at language commodification, the current study also observes the local people's devotion to the language policy determined by the government.
With regard to language policy that consists of three components of a speech community, namely, its language practices, its language beliefs or ideology, and any specific efforts to modify or influence that practice (Spolsky, 2004;Wahyunianto, 2019), the abovementioned studies focused only on language practices apparent in the public signs.Hence, there are some missing points with regard to language policy discussion in the form of language beliefs and specific efforts to form, arrange, and shape the use of languages in society.
The current study collected data from Mojosari, which is next to Sidoarjo and has a different history in it.Mojosari is a town about 30 minutes from the remnants of the big Javanese kingdom of Majapahit that existed in the 13-15 centuries.Mojosari is now far from the epicenter of the present Javanese kingdom situated in Central Java.While other studies look at the linguistic landscape in some places close to the kingdom (see for example, Andriyanti, 2019b;da Silva et al., 2021), the current study aims at mapping the linguistic landscape of a place in East Java, which has different characteristics from that located near the center of Javanese kingdom.The researchers are interested in knowing the languages shown in the linguistic landscape of six different environments in Mojosari-both top-down and bottom-up signs-and whether they are similar to those close to the abovementioned Javanese kingdom.Hence, the present research focuses on multilingualism aspects of Mojosari LL, and the vitality and power of the existing languages.This research also seeks to answer the question of whether the commodification of languages occur in the town of Mojosari in connection with the issues of language policy.

Research method
The current research focuses its analysis on both top-down and bottom-up signs found in some prominent places in Mojosari.Mojosari is a sub-district in Mojokerto Regency, East Java Province, Indonesia.Mojosari is de facto the Capital of Mojokerto Regency, and currently many government buildings have been moved from Mojokerto City to Mojosari.Mojosari has strong industrial and tourism areas, has a bigger population, and is larger than Sidoarjo.Javanese language is the native language spoken by most inhabitants as the first language, while the official language used in schools, offices, and official events is Bahasa Indonesia.Inhabited by 77,997 people, Mojosari occupies a piece of land as wide as 28,85 km 2 consisting of 19 villages with density level of 3,098 (Arif, 2021).Situated about 22 kilometers from the remnant of the Javanese Majapahit kingdom, Mojosari has 12 nursery schools, 32 kindergartens, 35 elementary schools, 16 junior high schools, and 7 senior high schools (Hartono, 2019).Most adult working people in Mojosari are entrepreneurs (7,689) and farm workers (5,384).The rest of the people are farmers (3,381), policemen/soldiers (1,409) and civil servants (1,340).Mojosari has somewhat low quality of human resources who prefer to work as factory workers at very young age; most of them are high school graduates (Purwanto et al., 2013).
The locations chosen were the central town of Mojosari where Kartini Hospital and RSUD.Prof. Dr. Soekandar (hereafter, Soekandar Hospital), Legi Market Mojosari (henceforth, Legi Market), Sawahan Market Mojosari (hereafter, Sawahan Market), and Culinary Center of Jalan Pahlawan (henceforward, CC Pahlawan) are located and a nearby educational and tourism place of Ladang Anggrek.The areas were selected as the settings to collect data because all those areas are the most prominent public places in Mojosari.Both Kartini and Soekandar Hospitals are big hospitals in Mojosari.Legi Market is a traditional market selling various basic needs and necessities at people's prices that makes it a destination for most people wanting good prices.Sawahan Market is a newer, more modern market located 1.5 kilometers from Legi Market.Ladang Anggrek is a place for cultivating Indonesian orchids, which also functions as a tourist location, offering tours of orchids and ornamental plants, flower supermarkets, an amphitheater, a restaurant, a playground, and educational tours for students located 1.5 kilometers away from Sawahan market.Finally, CC Pahlawan is a culinary center located along the main road of Jalan Pahlawan.In addition to having established restaurants and shops, CC Pahlawan also hosts a lot of food stalls offering delicious menus at low prices.
The data were collected from these six important places in Mojosari by taking photos of signs available in public places in the area.Following the earlier research on LL conducted by using quantitative analysis (Lanza & Woldemariam, 2014, p. 497), the current research also analyzed data quantitatively.The data analysis used photos taken from the sites using a handphone camera and relied on visual analysis as suggested by Akindele (2011, p. 5).As many as 600 pictures of all signs in the settings comprising place names, public signs, commercial shops, advertising billboards, names of plants, and names of food were analyzed.Both top-down and bottom-up signs were analyzed.

Result and discussions
This research presents the results of the fieldwork in the form of the identification of aspects of multilingualism, vitality, and power the present languages as well as the language policy and the existence of commodification of languages.

Multilingualism aspects in Mojosari
There are three kinds of combinations of language use in signs in Mojosari linguistic landscape: monolingual, bilingual, and multilingual.The phenomena can be observed in Figure Figure 1.On the right sign, the message "KENALI HAK ANDA SEBAGAI PASIEN" (Make yourself aware of your right as a patient) is printed bigger than the other parts of the sign to show that the management of the hospital is concerned with their service to the customers.Hence, the monolingual sign is just like a double-blade sword sending dual messages, that is, to the customers and to the medical as well as to the admin staff.To customers, the hospital management wants to show their commitment to provide the best services to the customers and assure them that they are well-taken care of.To the staff, consequently, this sign means as a reminder for them to provide the best service they can give to the customers.Hence, size of fonts may determine which message is voiced more strongly compared to the others.
The use of two languages in the signs is just the opposite of the use of the monolingual signs.Sawahan Market that uses the least monolingual signs compared to the other locations automatically use the biggest amount of bilingual signs.Soekandar Hospital having the biggest monolingual signs contain the least bilingual signs, and so on.Figure Figure 3 exemplifies bilingual signs in Mojosari LL where Indonesian and English are apparent in the signs.Both signs put Bahasa Indonesia on top position and English is positioned underneath.As the place and the volume of the fonts may indicate a difference in supremacy and hierarchy between different languages (Sakhiyya & Martin-Anatias, 2023), this shows that the Indonesian language is considered more important than English.This correctly applies the President Regulation No. 63/2019 that the official language in Indonesia is Indonesian language.Although English is written on the signs, the position is secondary and complementary to the Indonesian inscription of the information provided for visitors.In addition, both signs also employ similar types and sizes of fonts.This supports the findings of the previous studies by da Silva (2017) and da Silva et al. ( 2021) that English is in the second place after the Indonesian language.Hence, the importance of the Indonesian language over English in our data is shown through the position of the inscription, not the type and size of the fonts.
The first sign, however, shows two different characteristics compared to the second sign.The first sign on the left side is more complete in the sense that it has a symbol of people gathering at one point.The symbol complements the message written in Indonesian and English languages; hence pays attention to more kinds of people.Those who may not be able to read in Indonesian and English will be assisted by the symbol.In addition to having the symbol, the first picture also does show an exact translation of the two languages."Titik kumpul keadaan darurat' is only translated into "assembly point."The complete translation would be "assembly point in emergency situation."However, "assembly point" only is more natural in English and it is the sign that is usually apparent in any English-speaking community.Hence, the English translation is applied naturally in the signs.Finally, multilingual signs exist in Ladang Anggrek, Sawahan Market, Kartini Hospital, and the Culinary Center of Jalan Pahlawan as exemplified in the Figure 4.The announcement board in Ladang Anggrek displays Indonesian language, English, and Latin.The Indonesian language dominates the announcement board.English materializes itself in the forms of words apparent within the Indonesian phrases as free morphemes like, "Harga/pax,""Tour Ladang Anggrek," "Free tiket masuk," "Free air kemasan 600 ml," "Free makan siang," "Souvenir Anggrek . . ." and "Seedling pot hasil workshop."English also stands alone, like, "Detail," and "Welcoming."Some of the English words have become parts of Indonesian words, for example, "eduwisata," and "lab cloning."The last language emerging in the signage is Latin Language in the form of the name of an orchid, "Phalae."The above sign in the right side presents three languages employed at the same time to show a direction to different kinds of rooms in Kartini Hospital.Although all fonts are written in Latin Alphabet, they are taken from different languages."Musholla" located on top of the sign is originated from Arabic which means a room for Muslims to pray.The word "Toilet" in the middle position is an English word having a meaning in the Indonesian language "kamar mandi", while the underneath words written in the same size of fonts are materialized in Indonesian language, "Kamar: Mangga, Durian, Nangka" which means in English "Rooms: Mangga, Durian, Nangka" (names of exotic fruits existing in Indonesia).
In short, most signs in Mojosari LL are monolingual with the Indonesian language as the most often apparent language in the signs.Bilingual signs are the second in numbers consisting various combination of languages, but the biggest bilingual signs is combination of Indonesian and English.Multilingual signs are the least in number existing in the four locations in Mojosari.

Vitality and power of languages
There are 18 different languages apparent in the six observed areas in Mojosari: Indonesia, English, Javanese, Arabic, Russian, Dutch, Yoruba (West Africa), Latin, Chinese, Swedish, Spanish, Albanian, Japanese, Romanian, Italian, Thailand, Portuguese, and Greek.The last 14 languages are mainly apparent in Ladang Anggrek to introduce the names of orchids occupying as many as 12% of all signs in the six areas in Mojosari.Indonesian and English are used together in the same signs in the different environments in Mojosari like in Kartini Hospital and Soekandar Hospital.There are a lot of names on the signs written in those two different languages.Javanese is only apparent in signs in the CC Pahlawan and in the Legi Market.Interestingly, Javanese is rarely used in the signs although Javanese is the language spoken as lingua franca in Mojosari.Indonesian language-only signs also appear in the Ladang Anggrek mostly in the information signs.
A more specific use of the languages in each place is shown in the following figure.
Figure Figure 5 presents the languages applied in the signs located in the six locations in Mojosari.The distribution of the languages in the six locations showing that Indonesian language is the most dominant language in all areas, except in Ladang Anggrek.Similarly, in almost all locations, except in Ladang Anggrek, Indonesian+English used together in the same signs fall in the second position in terms of frequency of use.This just reveals that Mojosari inhabitants are loyal to the government language policy advocating Indonesian language as the official language in Indonesia.It is not surprising since the policy has a long history back to of the Youth Pledge in 1928 where out of their own decision youth from different parts of Indonesia decided to unite themselves into the same brotherhood, the same nation, and the same language.This was then confirmed with the National Constitution 1945, Decree of the People's Consultative Assembly Number 11/MPR/1983, Language Law number 24 year 2009 and the most current regulation, President Regulation No. 63 year 2019, especially article 40 specifying that the buildings in Indonesia should apply Indonesian language (Sakhiyya & Martin-Anatias, 2023, p. 5).The domination of the Indonesian language in the area supports the findings of the previous studies of, for example, cityscape (da Silva et al., 2021;Fakhiroh & Rohmah, 2018), schoolscape (Andriyanti, 2019b;Harbon & Halimi, 2019;Riani et al., 2021), places of worship, including, mosques, churches, and Buddhist temples (Wafa & Wijayanti, 2018) and tomb complex (Nuswantara et al., 2021) where Indonesian language dominates the areas.
Ladang Anggrek (the Orchid Farm) apparent in Figure 6 is an agrotourism with an orchid plantation in an area of 7 hectares.It is a place for cultivating Indonesian orchids, which also functions as a tourist location, offering orchid flower and ornamental plant tourism, flower supermarkets, an amphitheater, restaurants, playgrounds, and educational tours for students.Ladang Anggrek seems a special case since it is a place for recreation as well as an education center where English is the biggest number on its signs.This is in line with what is stated by Rohmah (2005) that English has gained a stronger position in the spread of science and technology since the end of World War II and the birth of the first computers which use English as its communication language until now (Bylieva & Lobatyuk, 2021;Lawrence, 2012;Mohamadsaid & Rasheed, 2019;Profile, 2022;Tang, 2018).The use of English which is the second bigger after the use of the Indonesian language is also in line with a number of studies (see, for example, Khazanah et al., 2021;Riani et al., 2021;Sumarlam et al., 2020).
With regard to the small number of use of Javanese in Mojosari LL, we might relate our discussion to the vitality and power of the language.Javanese is used when it is combined with other languages in bilingual and multilingual signs (Ardhian & Fajar, 2017;Fakhiroh & Rohmah, 2018;Riani et al., 2021;Wafa & Wijayanti, 2018).Javanese is marginalized, even in the commercial area of Malioboro Yogyakarta which is the heart of Javanese Culture, because of the language policy choosing Indonesian language as the official language (Andriyanti, 2019b), it barely survives in Malang LL (Yannuar & Tabiati, 2016), although it may also serve a symbolic function in  a Javanese community (da Silva et al., 2021).Javanese is used as a cultural symbol (Andriyanti, 2019b;Riani et al., 2021).
The language policy of Indonesia has seemed to affect the vitality of local languages.The stronger position obtained by the Indonesian language has caused other languages in Indonesia to be in weaker positions.As the Indonesian language dominates more and more aspects of communication and intergenerational transmission, more younger generations prefer to use Bahasa Indonesia as a national language or even English as a global language to gain better education and broader opportunities for work.Hence, English has become an additional threat to the presence of Indonesian (Sakhiyya & Martin-Anatias, 2023) and, more severely, to the appearance of the Javanese language.In their study, Javanese coexists with the Indonesian language in Semarang and Yogyakarta but is non-existent in Depok.However, the presence of Javanese in Semarang and Yogyakarta, which is the central culture of Java, is only 20%.The younger speakers shift away from making use of Javanese in their daily communication making the local language with 80 million speakers endangered (Abtahian & Cohn, 2014).While most young generations of Javanese blood admitted that their first language is Bahasa Indonesia, we can see that the intergenerational transmission of Javanese has decreased (Andriyanti, 2019a).This should have become an alarm to the government to quickly promote a reverse language shift through a language policy advocating Javanese to be applied in various activities, including TV programs, youth meetings, and other engagements involving the young generations.While The Indonesian government has supported a number of regional languages in the area of mothertongue education, specifically Javanese (Anderback, 2015), the local government of Mojosari needs to make a quick move to launch a policy to put Javanese back into the people's use, especially in public signs accompanying the Indonesian language.

Language policy and commodification of languages
This part discloses the loyalty of public signs and private signs to the central government's language policy which is then connected to whether commodification.Figures 6(a,b) present the percentages of top-down and bottom-up signs in Mojosari Regency and the distribution of each language in the top-down and bottom-up signs.
Overall, as shown in Figure 6a, the top-down signs are higher in number (315) compared to the bottom-up signs (285).What is interesting in Figure 6b is that signs showing the Indonesian language are not dominant in top-down signs, and, moreover, signs displaying English are dominated by top-down signs.Figure Figure 6, thus, clarifies Figure Figure 5 showing that Bahasa Indonesia is the most dominant language in all areas.The existence of Bahasa Indonesia which dominates all areas insinuates obedience to the government regulations, especially President Regulation No. 63/2019.From Figure Figure 6, we know that the society shows more faithfulness to the central government language policy compared to the local government.The local government of Mojosari is less loyal, compared to the local society, to the language policy made by the central government in Jakarta through President Regulation No. 63/2019 requiring that Bahasa Indonesia as the official language should dominate the language used in different places.More detailed information on top-down and bottom-up is presented in Table 1.
Table 1 demonstrates the number of language used in top-down and bottom-up signs in Mojosari.The areas contributing to the bigger amount of top-down signs are Kartini and Soekandar Hospitals, and Ladang Anggrek as the tourism/education area.In the hospitals and the botanical garden, the government has a more important role in creating the signs while the visitors mainly receive the services provided including receiving information put forth in the signs.Therefore, the visitors are passive in terms of the creation of the signs and the government is the active agent in the hospitals and in the botanical garden.The biggest amount of top-down signs use Bahasa Indonesia (150 signs) followed by Indonesian+English (68 signs).The other languages used in the top-down signs in Ladang Anggrek Mojosari are Russian, Dutch, Yoruba, Latin, Chinese, Swedish, Spanish, Albanian, Japanese, Romanian, Italian, Thailand, Portuguese, and Greek.
A different trend occurs in the business areas of Legi Market, Sawahan Market and CC Pahlawan.In these areas, the government plays less role compared to the traders in creating the signs.In the trading zones, the business owners put up signs to attract customers to buy their products.Similar to top-down signs, the biggest amount of bottom-up signs in the three areas utilize Bahasa Indonesia (172 signs) followed by Bahasa Indonesia+English (87 signs).This shows that the language policy enacted by the central government is supported by the local government and the community members in Mojosari, but the community's obedience to the government's policy is bigger than that of the local government.
Figure Figure 7 presents a direction sign, a shop name, and an announcement found in CC Pahlawan written in Bahasa Indonesia.The direction sign and the shop name signs are among the examples of bottom-up signs using mainly Bahasa Indonesia to show the identity of their shops."KACA MATA," "JAM TANGAN," "TOKO GADING MAS" are Indonesian vocabulary meaning "glasses," "wrist-watch," and "Shop: Golden Ivory."The Indonesian words written in capital letters demonstrate that Bahasa Indonesia stand-alone without other accompanying languages.This insinuates the adequacy of the creators of the signs with the national-official language; no need for them to use either a foreign language or a local language to leverage the selling point of their shops.Similarly, the announcement consisting of more than 30 words published by a district attorney's office uses the Indonesian language throughout.No foreign nor Javanese language is apparent in the long stretches of words which confirms the strong position and power of the language.Figure Figure 8 illustrates name boards and list of menus using Bahasa Indonesia with a small portion of other languages.The Indonesian "KLINIK MATA," "NASI JAGUNG," and "RAPI" name boards written in capital letters using different types of fonts are put on top of the signs.In addition, the sizes of the writing are the biggest among the other inscriptions.These demonstrate the important position of Bahasa Indonesia in the signs due to its top position, its capital letters, and its big sizes.The English words of "Royal," and "sound system" as well as the Javanese vocabulary of "asem" in "sayur asem" just put "colors" and variation in the signs.The Javanese word of "terop" existing in the name of the enterprise written in small letter confirms its lower power compared to the name "RAPI" written in capital letters, bigger sizes, and higher position.The foreign and local languages in the signs do not dominate the signs and their positions are peripheral since they are written in small letters, smaller sizes of fonts, and positions in the signs.The Indonesian language show its domination over other languages as a consequence of the central government's language policy determining Bahasa Indonesia as the official language that should appear in the buildings and public places.These confirm that commodification of foreign or local languages does not happen in the signs in Mojosari.
The shop name "TOKO CAHAYA" displayed in Figure 9 is written in capital letters, in big sizes of fonts using Bahasa Indonesia."GROSIR dan eceran" label explaining the kind of shop which provides big amount of selling and retails is also inscribed in Bahasa Indonesia.The caption mentioning different kinds of goods offered by the seller is also engraved in Bahasa Indonesia.This shop opts to use Bahasa Indonesia throughout its inscription on the shop cover in front of its shop building.This just confirmed the adequacy of Bahasa Indonesia in the shop signs without any need of using foreign or local languages.
Hence, there is no commodification of foreign languages, i.e.English and Arabic, or local language in all areas observed in Mojosari.In each of the six areas, the Indonesian language dominates the signs, except in Ladang Anggrek.Although English is the second biggest language employed in the signs in Ladang Anggrek, but its amount is considerably lower than the appearance of the Indonesian language in the six areas in Mojosari-both in the top-down and the bottom-up signs.English-only signs merely occupy 5.5% of all signs far below the Indonesian-only  signs (56%) and a combination of Indonesian-English signs (27%).The use of Arabic is hardly seen in the signs, except when it is with other languages.Similarly, Javanese as the local people's daily language is not much applied, and we cannot find a single Javanese-only sign.Thus, there is no commodification of any language, be it foreign or local language; all are submissive to the government regulation suggesting the use of the Indonesian language in public areas.
The phenomena are in contrast to some studies (see, for example, Moriarty, 2014;Said & Rohmah, 2018;Yusuf et al., 2022) demonstrating that certain languages are commodified to meet the ambition of certain groups of people.Moriarty (2014) uncovered the contestation of languages between the state and the local people in which the local people commodified the local language to exist among the national language to attract more visitors to Dingle as a tourist destination.Said and Rohmah (2018) also affirmed the occurrences of Arabic language commodification in some tourist areas in Andalusia, Spain.Arabic had been banned since the Reconquista but applied and preserved in the heritage spots just to attract tourists to come to generate a big amount of revenue.Similar to these two studies, Yusuf et al. (2022) also found Arabic to be commodified in Leipzig's commercial areas to gain more customers, especially, those with Arabic/Islamic ties.These phenomena do not take place in Mojosari which does not expect international tourists to come.Ladang Anggrek, which is a tourist attraction, seems to neglect international visitors.They target local tourists to come; hence, the use of English in this place which is higher compared to other languages does not serve an informational function but fulfills a symbolic function of modernity to attract local visitors.
The non-existence of language commodification in Mojosari is, in fact, in line with that of da Silva et al. ( 2021) study in the center of Javanese culture of Yogyakarta-Malioboro-where the Indonesian language still dominates the area.Instead of commodifying the Javanese language with its all uniqueness to attract more tourists, the local government and local traders opt to be loyal to the central government's language policy by applying the Indonesian language in most signs in public spaces.Hence, the tendency of Mojosari as a place far from the center of the current Javanese kingdom is similar to that in the heart of the kingdom in the use of Javanese as it is without being commodified for economic purposes.

Conclusion
This study analyzing data from six important areas in Mojosari reveals that the Indonesian language is the most often displayed language followed by English and Javanese.This shows loyalty to the Central Government language policy, especially Presidential Regulation number 63/2019.With such devotion from the local government as well as the society, it is not surprising that the Indonesian language has gained a stronger position and power.This, however, may present threats to local languages, including the Javanese language.The findings showing that no Javanese-only sign present in the Mojosari LL should have brought an alarming signal of the potential extinction of Javanese.The government could prevent this from happening by promoting Javanese to society through a local language policy that may preserve Javanese from being lost forever.Such a policy has been made by the Government of Bali Province that has enacted a government policy, in which the local government also protects the Balinese language and script in public spaces through Bali Governor Regulation no.80/2018.
The current study has some limitations.Firstly, it focuses primarily on public signs; hence, it does not capture the full picture of linguistic diversity of the area.To complete the findings of the current study, next researchers may collect data in the form of spoken languages in private interactions, homes, or specific cultural contexts to get fuller pictures of language use in the area.Secondly, the research method relies solely on quantitative data and visual analysis.Future research may employ a more in-depth qualitative analysis and enrich the data by collecting qualitative data to provide deeper insights into the reasons behind language choices in the linguistic landscape of Mojosari by, for example, interviewing local residents or business owners.More qualitative data may present more complete understanding of the area by including cultural, historical, and sociopolitical factors influencing the language use in the area.

Figure
Figure Figure1demonstrates the combination of languages displayed in each area observed in the Mojosari LL.Most areas, except Sawahan Market, use monolingual signs more than bilingual signs.The top positions of the use of monolingual signs belong to Soekandar Hospital (77%) and Ladang Anggrek (77%) followed by medium positions owned by Kartini Hospital (61%), Legi

Figure
Figure Figure2above shows monolingual signs employing the Indonesian language in Soekandar Hospital and Kartini Hospital.In the monolingual apologizing sign on the left side of the figure, a yellow background is applied to make an apology written in red, capitalized fonts."MOHON MAAF" expression on the top position typed in much bigger fonts compared to the lower part of the expressions indicates that asking for forgiveness is the most important concern of the creator of the sign.A similar monolingual sign shown on the right side of the figure also uses capital letters throughout its written texts.Although both signs are different in the combination and the number of colors, the two signs use the most important message in a bigger size of fonts.On the right sign, the message "KENALI HAK ANDA SEBAGAI PASIEN" (Make yourself aware of your right as a patient) is printed bigger than the other parts of the sign to show that the management of the hospital is concerned with their service to the customers.Hence, the monolingual sign is just like a double-blade sword sending dual messages, that is, to the customers and to the medical as well as to the admin staff.To customers, the hospital management wants to show their commitment to provide the best services to the customers and assure them that they are well-taken care of.To the staff, consequently, this sign means as a reminder for them to provide the best service they can give to the customers.Hence, size of fonts may determine which message is voiced more strongly compared to the others.

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Figure 5. Languages apparent in Mojosari signs.

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Top-down and bottom-up signs.

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Figure 7. Bottom-up signs in Bahasa Indonesia.

Figure 9 .
Figure 9.A shop cover Sign.