Reinforcing, negotiating and resisting gender norms among reunited couples in Mexico: An intersectional critical ethnography

Abstract This article examines the reunification experiences and gender dynamics of reunited Mexican couples post-migration, and the intersections that shape those experiences. In 2021, we conducted a critical ethnographic study guided by intersectionality theory in Veracruz, Mexico. We interviewed women who stayed behind (n = 20), return migrants (n = 12), health care providers (n = 6), and community leaders (n = 12). Data was analyzed using thematic analysis using NVivo software as aid. We found that the intersection of age, gender, and employment status influenced gender relations among reunited couples postmigration. Couples reinforced, negotiated, and resisted pre-established gender norms in Agua Dulce. The findings suggest that women have the capacity to act on the relationship pathway upon the return of their migrant partners at the dynamic intersection of age, gender, and employment status. These must be understood against the backdrop of gender norms in the study context. This article provides an important theoretical contribution to research and policy. The contribution lies in the rich intersectional understanding of how and why relationships are affected in different ways depending on intersecting factors across the pre-, during, and post- migration experience. Policymakers and stakeholders can use it to identify ways to enhance women’s agency.


Introduction
The phenomenon of return migration and family reunification has garnered substantial economic, social, and political attention on a global scale.Despite the challenges posed by COVID-19-induced travel restrictions, lockdowns, and limited consular services, the International Organization for Migration [IOM] (2020) reported a significant number of migrants returning to their places of origin after losing their jobs in host countries.This return trend reflects a global reality highlighted by Ruben et al. (2009), who critically evaluate the embeddedness of forced-return migrants, emphasizing the roles of pre-and post-return assistance in shaping their reintegration experiences.In Mexico, the year 2022 witnessed a remarkable 71.2% increase in return migration (Government of Mexico, 2022), primarily encompassing deported Mexicans from the United States, and thereby omitting those who returned voluntarily from various other regions.However, this narrative merely scratches the surface, failing to capture the complexity of return migration, a concern Cassarino (2004) addresses by reimagining the conceptual approach to analyzing return migrants and their intricate dynamics, urging a rethinking of prevailing notions and categories of analysis.
A recently conducted literature review focusing on return migration to Latin America and the Caribbean underscored the post-migration challenges confronted by return migrants (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022).These challenges encompass limited access to public services and employment opportunities, with their origins often traced back to the intricate interplay of social, political, and cultural contexts during the reintegration phase.While Fernández-Sánchez et al. (2022) provide a comprehensive view of these challenges, their focus on the broader Latin American and Caribbean context prompts the need for contextualization within specific regions.Notably, while much of the reviewed research centers on deported migrants from the United States, it is equally crucial to acknowledge that migrants also opt for voluntary return due to challenges in adapting to the host country, language barriers, undocumented immigration status, family ties, and the fulfillment of migration objectives such as home construction.In this regard, the work of De Bree et al. (2010) examine the post-return experiences and transnational sense of belonging among return migrants-they explore how return migrants navigate the complexities of transnational connections, identity, and reintegration, exemplified in the Dutch Moroccan context.However, the existing body of research frequently falls short in exploring the broader ramifications of return migration on the social, political, cultural, health, and familial landscapes of both receiving families and communities.Although the literature has documented family fragmentation arising from the return of a migrant partner in a global context (Haas & Rooij, 2010;Kunuroglu et al., 2021;Nwozor et al., 2022;Ullah, 2017), its exploration within the Mexican context remains limited.This limitation warrants a deeper inquiry to unveil the distinctive characteristics of Mexican return migration experiences, particularly within the context of gender dynamics.
Available evidence underscores the emergence of conflicts within reunited couples, stemming from disagreements regarding gender roles and responsibilities (Haas & Rooij, 2010;Ullah, 2017), the lack of assistance from the returnee in domestic tasks (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2020), the challenges of adjustment and adaptation (Nwozor et al., 2022), and integration issues within the community (Kunuroglu et al., 2021).These challenges resonate with Vlase's (2013) exploration of gender dynamics in Romanian family return migration, highlighting the complexities of gendered experiences during reintegration.Nevertheless, these findings primarily emanate from different global contexts, necessitating a region-specific lens to understand the Mexican experience.
Building upon the identified gaps in the realm of return migration in Mexico, this research study is dedicated to examining the experiences of reunification and the gender dynamics prevalent among Mexican couples in the post-migration phase.Our research delves into the intricate interplay of social, cultural, economic, and political factors that characterize these experiences, with a particular emphasis on the concept of intersectionality.Recognizing the inherent variations in reunification experiences across the intersecting axes of social location and complexity, this study leverages an intersectional framework to critically interpret our research findings.This theoretical orientation aligns with the insights of Dhamoon (2011) andWeldon (2008), who emphasize the importance of intersectionality in understanding complex socio-political phenomena.
Our research findings indicate that women exercise agency to varying degrees, often influenced by factors such as age.Remarkably, within the prevailing machismo culture of Agua Dulce, women situated at the intersection of age, gender, and employment status display remarkable resilience in their ability to negotiate and challenge established roles, responsibilities, and relational pathways.This echoes the agency demonstrated by returnees discussed by Christou (2006) and Hansen (2008) in the face of societal norms and expectations.The outcomes of such negotiations are diverse-some couples choose to sustain their relationships, while others opt for separation.Additionally, a smaller subgroup pursues a unique path wherein the romantic relationship concludes while cohabitation continues under agreed-upon terms.These diverse pathways mirror the nuanced decisions observed among Cameroonian returnees in Wanki et al. (2023) exploration of family negotiations.This article contributes significantly not only to the theoretical discourse but also to the formulation of sound policies.It offers a nuanced intersectional comprehension of the various ways in which relationships are influenced across the phases of pre-, during, and post-migration.Policymakers and stakeholders stand to benefit from our study's insights, which can guide efforts to fortify women's agencies and bolster family reunification initiatives.In alignment with Andrews (2023), who delves into the enduring challenges faced by migrants during deportation, our study sheds light on the intricate dynamics of return migration within the Mexican context.Our study resonates within a broader discourse of migration, gender dynamics, and the challenges of reintegration.

Intersectionality
Intersectionality is a theoretical framework that originated from Black Feminist thought and liberation movements, addressing the intersecting forms of inequality experienced by women globally (Collins, 2006;Crenshaw, 1989;Salem, 2018).The term "intersectionality" was officially coined by Kimberly Crenshaw, an African American lawyer and scholar who examined the intersection of gender and race among women of color in the United States (Crenshaw, 1991).Intersectionality has been conceptualized as a method, theory, paradigm, and perspective, offering a lens to understand the complex dynamics of power and inequality within and between social groups (Caiola et al., 2014;Collins, 2015).
In the context of this study, we employ intersectionality as a framework to analyze the multifaceted experiences of reunification among Mexican couples post-migration.By considering the intersection of age, gender, and employment status over time, we aim to illuminate the diverse ways in which these factors shape individuals' experiences and interactions within the reunification process.This approach recognizes that social identities and systems of oppression are interconnected and mutually constitutive, leading to unique and intersecting forms of advantage and disadvantage.
As researchers utilizing an intersectional perspective, we position ourselves within the study.The research team comprises three registered nurses and a sociologist, all of whom are academics with expertise in migration, health, gender, and intersectional inquiry, drawing on their experiences from Mexico, Canada, and the United States.The lead author has a personal background that informs their commitment to advocating for women's and migrants' rights and social justice.Having been born in Mexico, experienced childhood, and adolescence as an undocumented migrant in the United States, and later returned to Veracruz for higher education, the lead author now resides in the United States as an openly gay man.This lived experience and involvement in various social justice groups and organizations in Mexico contribute to a nuanced understanding of the intersecting challenges faced by migrants and women in the context of reunification.
By employing an intersectional lens and drawing on our diverse backgrounds and expertise, this study seeks to provide a comprehensive analysis of the reunification experiences and gender dynamics of Mexican couples post-migration in Agua Dulce.Through this research, we aim to contribute to the existing literature and inform policies and interventions that address the unique needs and complexities of reunited couples within the broader context of migration and gender dynamics.

Design
In our research spanning from January 2021 to May 2022, we undertook a critical ethnographic approach to delve into the intricate dynamics of power relations within the context of Agua Dulce (Fernandez-Sanchez, 2023).Rooted in critical social theory, this research design serves the purpose of emancipation, aiming to offer comprehensive insights into the multifaceted web of socialpolitical, cultural, and economic structures that define power relationships within the community (Cook, 2012;Madison, 2020;May, 1997;Thomas, 1993).Essential to this critical ethnography is the recognition that cultural groups construct and reconstruct intersubjective realities, continually shaped by the lived experiences within their contexts (Foley & Valenzuela, 2008).Rather than fixating on empirical verifiability, this approach acknowledges the inherent subjectivity in how individuals interpret their realities, often influenced by complex power dynamics both emanating from and permeating within social systems (Jordan & Yeomans, 1995;Madison, 2020).Our embrace of critical ethnography was instrumental in directing our focus towards concepts of equity, social justice, and power dynamics.This lens provided a nuanced perspective through which we explored the experiences of both women who remain in Agua Dulce and their return migrant partners.By grounding our study in this approach, we aimed to unravel the intricate interplay of power structures that shape the processes of reunification, offering a deeper understanding of the complexities at play within the community.

Study location
For six months (January-July 2021), the lead author, a graduate trained nurse, lived in Agua Dulce, a rural community in Mexico.At this time, pandemic restrictions were implemented in the community, such as restricting visitors' entrance into the community and prohibiting large gatherings.The lead author's prolonged engagement in a community with numerous migrants allowed him to build trust, rapport, and strong relationships with key informants (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022).Agua Dulce is in the municipality of Papantla, which is situated in the northern part of Veracruz; it is 10 km away from the city of Papantla.Veracruz continues to rank among the top 10 sending states for international migrants (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía e Informática [INEGI], 2020), and it is in the top 10 states with the highest poverty levels in Mexico (Statista, 2022).Agua Dulce is ranked number two in the municipality by population size.In 2020, more than 6,000 inhabitants were in Agua Dulce: 2,808 were men, and 3,207 were women (Pueblos de México, n.d..).According to this same document, that same year, 9.64% did not know how to read or write, and the average education level that its inhabitants achieved was sixth grade, and the primary source of employment is agriculture.Indigenous people (Totonacas) account for 3.92% of the total population, and 0.05% do not speak Spanish (Pueblos de México, n.d..).The selection of Agua Dulce as the research location enhances the study's ability to uncover the complex interplay of forces that shape the lives of individuals within the community.Agua Dulce's location, migration patterns, economic conditions, population diversity, educational disparities, and the lead author's extended engagement collectively make it an ideal site for a critical ethnographic exploration of gender roles, power dynamics, and migration experiences.

Advisory committees
Two advisory committees to the research team were established due to COVID-19 restrictions; one involved three women who stayed behind, and the other involved three community leaders, "Jefas de Manzana"-in Mexico they are women who are community coordinators responsible for organizing and overseeing local initiatives, often related to social, cultural, or civic activities within a neighborhood or community.Committee meetings were held once per month between to receive input on how to approach potential key informants, facilitate access to key informants, help with recruitment, review, and provide feedback on interview questions, and provide input on the findings.

Recruitment and sample size
Potentially eligible key informants were recruited using purposeful and snowball sampling (Palinkas et al., 2015;Speziale & Carpenter, 2007).These methods allowed us to select key informants based on their knowledge of reunification of migrant couples, as well as to locate others based on participant referrals.We implemented three successful strategies to recruit key informants: a) Members of the advisory committee and key informants referred and invited potential key informants to the research, b) two live presentations were delivered by the first author in local Facebook pages, and c) the mobile public address system was used.This last strategy involved a car going around the community with a loudspeaker informing about the study and contact information.We interviewed women who remained behind (n = 20), return migrants (n = 12), healthcare practitioners (n = 6), and community leaders (n = 12).Notably, the subset of returnees comprised partners of 12 of the interviewed women.The remaining women participants were situated within contexts wherein separation, lack of spousal consent for participation, or bereavement precluded their inclusion.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria
Key informants were included if they met all the following criteria: Were reunited transnational couples, couples who began their relationship before the migration process, returnees who had been in Agua Dulce for at least a year, returnees who had the intention of staying in Mexico, and key informants who were at least 18 years old.Key informants were excluded if they were unable to provide informed consent due to cognitive impairment.

Data collection
We used critical ethnographic interviews and participant observation to collect data.Some interviews were conducted via phone due to COVID-19 restrictions; once restrictions were lifted, the rest of the interviews were in person.We adapted a community office to assimilate a typical house living room to comply with a strict COVID-19 protocol.This included wearing facemasks, maintaining social distancing, having hand sanitizer available, disinfecting in-between interviews, and conducting a COVID-19 assessment via phone 24 hours prior to the interview.A woman researcher from Agua Dulce was hired to recruit, consent, transcribe data, and conducted most of the interviews with women key informants due to social norms dictating the interviewer be of the same gender as key informants.In striving for an in-depth grasp of the inherent intricacies within the study's scope, the deliberate selection of a female interviewer was a calculated move that harmonized with research objectives and critical ethnography principles.This decision, rooted in cultural norms mandating interviewer gender alignment with key informants, not only establishes rapport and ease but also encourages open dialogues, enhancing participant expression amid the intricate web of social and gender dynamics shaping Agua Dulce's landscape.Each key informant was individually interviewed once in Spanish for 40-90 minutes.One-on-one meetings between the lead author and the research assistant were held at least once a week to discuss the interview process and study findings.
Furthermore, the lead author conducted 18 in-person interviews with stakeholders from Agua Dulce, consisting of three physicians, three nurses, and 12 "Jefas de Manzana."These individuals were deliberately chosen based on criteria such as having a minimum of one year of community service, being of legal age (18 or older), and being able to provide consent.The purposeful inclusion of healthcare professionals and community leaders stems from their crucial roles within the community framework and their distinctive insights into various dimensions of the reunification experiences.Physicians and nurses bring to light the health-related challenges faced by returning migrants and offer a broader understanding of the community's health dynamics.Meanwhile, community leaders' profound understanding of the socio-cultural context positions them as valuable sources of information regarding gender roles and power dynamics.
Data were collected using a semi-structured interview guide that the research team developed and that members of the advisory committee revised.The interview guide was informed by study objectives that were, in turn, established based on review findings on return migrants to Latin America and the Caribbean (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022), as well as on women who stay behind in Mexico (Fernández-Sánchez & Withers, 2020) and in other countries (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2020) (see Appendix A).In general, the topics covered by the interview included the couples' lives pre-migration, during separation, and post-migration or upon return.We were interested in learning more about the couples' gender relations during these times after being reunited.Interviews began in February 2021, and by the end of May 2021, data saturation had been reached.Data saturation in qualitative research indicates that data collection becomes repetitive, and no new categories emerge (Saunders et al., 2018).All participants received a bag of basic home products with a value of 150 Mexican pesos ($10USD) as compensation for their time.

Participant observation
Following the principles of critical ethnography, the lead author fulfilled dual roles as both a participant and an observer within the research setting (Wolf, 2012).In this immersive approach, outdoor job sites like crop fields and the farmers market, as well as other outdoor gatherings such celebrations like Día del Niño (Children's Day), were among the locales attended by the lead author.Notably, indoor settings were avoided due to COVID-19 precautions.Prior to commencing fieldwork, the lead author established connections with community gatekeepers.Despite pandemic-related restrictions that restricted external access, a unique arrangement was made to permit the lead author's entry and active participation within the community.
Participant observation facilitated a deep engagement with everyday life events, encompassing tasks such as experiencing a workday and participating in outdoor festivities.Detailed ethnographic fieldnotes were meticulously maintained, capturing critical details about the observed reunited families (Emerson et al., 1995).These comprehensive notes documented the physical context of observations, individuals present, actions, behaviors, temporal information, and witnessed activities.Through this immersive community involvement, the lead author garnered insights into the intricate fabric of gender roles, familial responsibilities, communication patterns, and the intricate dynamics of relationships.

Data analysis
The analysis of collected data involved a systematic and iterative process, with both the lead author and the woman researcher transcribing the raw data verbatim.An inductive approach was adopted, encompassing the creation of initial codes, which were then clustered to form broader themes.To ensure a rigorous analysis, we followed the six-step thematic analysis approach proposed by Maguire and Delahunt (2017), which encompassed the following stages: 1) becoming intimately acquainted with the data, 2) generating initial codes, 3) discerning overarching themes, 4) reviewing and refining identified themes, 5) precisely defining these themes, and 6) compiling the final analytical report.The inception of initial coding commenced upon the completion of the initial two interviews.
Incorporating an inclusive analytical strategy, a selection of five interviews conducted with women, along with the emerging codes and categories, were translated into English.This facilitated collaborative analysis among research team members who were not proficient in Spanish, all of whom formed an integral part of the supervisory committee overseeing the lead author's work.The subsequent interview data was then examined in Spanish, with the final codes and themes subsequently translated into English.This approach was chosen to uphold best practices, as analyzing data in the language spoken by the key informants preserves cross-cultural nuances that might otherwise be lost (Schembri & Jahić Jašić, 2022).The NVivo 12 software provided a pivotal tool for data exploration and analysis.
In the pursuit of an enriched understanding, the lens of intersectionality was applied during the data analysis and interpretation phases.Intersectionality was harnessed to a) discern recurring and prominent categories across the dataset, b) classify the identities of the key informants, c) situate the influence of social, cultural, and political contexts on these identities, and d) unveil covert manifestations of power dynamics, inequality, and oppression within the data (Collins, 2006;Salem, 2018).Employing data triangulation, a strategy aimed at generating a comprehensive understanding from diverse vantage points, constituted an integral part of our analytical process.This involved the incorporation of multiple data sources, stakeholders, and key informants, as well as the utilization of various data types such as observations and interviews (Denzin, 2012).
The process was further enriched by bi-weekly meetings involving two research team members, where research processes, findings, and analytical insights were discussed collaboratively.To ensure the validity of our findings, members of the advisory committee were invited to review the emerging results and provide feedback, ensuring alignment with their own experiences and enhancing the credibility of our findings.

Ethical considerations
Prior to the commencement of data collection, this research study underwent a rigorous ethical review process, receiving approval from the Research Ethics Office of the University of Alberta (Pro00106680).Furthermore, local ethics authorization was diligently obtained from the Universidad Veracruzana in Mexico, ensuring adherence to ethical guidelines at both institutional and community levels.To uphold the principles of informed consent, all key informants participating in the study provided either written or oral consent before engaging in data collection.It is important to emphasize that this study extends beyond the immediate research objectives.The community clinic, integral to the research setting, played a vital role in providing resources that extended beyond the scope of the study, catering to the needs of all community members.These resources included support services for victims of violence, facilitated through local and national helplines, reflecting the collaborative effort to address the broader welfare of the community.In line with our commitment to safeguarding the anonymity and confidentiality of the participants, pseudonyms have been employed throughout this article to replace the identities of key informants.This precautionary measure ensures that participants' privacy is preserved, and their personal details remain undisclosed, thereby fostering a safe environment for open and candid discussions.

Sociodemographic characteristics of key informants
A total of 50 key informants participated in interviews and the lead author completed six months of community observation.On average, women in this study were = 40.75years of age at the time of the interviews.Middle school completion was the most common category (35%), over 50% identified as Catholics, 40% had their own businesses, and 75% owned their houses.The partners of the women predominantly had undocumented status while abroad (85%), and 95% of these individuals returned voluntarily, encompassing reasons such as the fulfillment of migration goals, the need for family reunification, and voluntary return due to illness.Migrants possessing documented status had the option of visiting home.On average, men in the research were = 39.9 years of age at the time of the interviews.Most men had completed middle school (58%), had their own  businesses (50%), and owned their houses (58%).Table 1 shows details of the observations found.We did not collect socio-demographic data for stakeholders.
Gender norms in Agua Dulce.In the community of Agua Dulce, it's crucial to note that all interviewees were entrenched in gendered dynamics characterized by traditional machismo norms before they initiated their migration journeys.Here, societal expectations dictated that men should undertake migration for employment opportunities, while women were expected to remain in their hometowns, predominantly assuming caretaking roles.These pre-existing gender norms served as a foundational backdrop against which their return migration experiences unfolded.Employing an intersectional perspective as a critical lens allows us to delve deeper into the power structures that influence and mold these already-established gender norms, shedding light on the complexities of return migration experiences.
During the period of separation, as male partners migrate for work, some women in Agua Dulce seek to assert their agency by entering the workforce or initiating entrepreneurial ventures.This act challenges the traditional gender roles firmly established in the community.However, when couples are eventually reunited, societal expectations often pressure them to revert to conventional patriarchal norms.Nevertheless, not all couples conform to these expectations.The intersection of age, gender, and employment status emerges as a pivotal factor in shaping the experiences of reunited couples.
In this context, it becomes apparent that some couples choose to separate, while others maintain their relationships in diverse forms.Interestingly, older women, who are often engaged in employment or running their businesses, tend to be better equipped to negotiate roles with their returning partners.Despite the various challenges they encounter, women engaged in gendered occupations or entrepreneurship maintain a degree of economic independence.This intersectional perspective unveils temporal dimensions that highlight crucial periods in the migration journey, such as the initial formation of a couple, the period of separation, and the duration of time spent apart.These temporal factors significantly influence the experiences of couples upon reunification.Notably, this lens exposes how gender segregation persists across generations and transitional phases, impacting the roles and responsibilities assigned to individuals.
Through thematic analysis, we have identified three distinct relationship pathways-Ending, Coexisting Apart, and Sustaining (See Figure 1).These pathways underscore the intricate interplay between intersectionality and power structures, ultimately shaping the lived experiences of migrant couples in Agua Dulce.It is important to note that all original quotations are available in Appendix B, providing further insight into the narratives of individuals within the community.

Relationship pathways
End of the Relationship.In some cases, relationships come to an end (n = 8) due to a range of issues that emerge during periods of separation or upon reunification.These issues encompass concerns like infidelity, violence, substance abuse, and disagreements.It is worth noting that some of these challenges also persist in relationships that continue, but for women who opt to ask their partners to leave the household, they reach a point where they are no longer willing to bear the burden associated with accepting these issues.Conflict and discord within couples often arise when women assert themselves by challenging their partners' wishes and resisting the prevailing machismo culture.Older women, exemplified by Jennifer at the age of 45, tend to prioritize their personal well-being and independence.As women age, they often mature and develop a heightened sense of self-worth, leading them to make the decision to terminate relationships marked by issues such as infidelity, violence, or substance abuse.The influence of patriarchal norms is palpable, and women who actively challenge these norms by asserting their independence are more inclined to terminate relationships when confronted with unacceptable behavior from their partners.This challenges the traditional expectation that women should tolerate such issues, as women increasingly recognize their own value and strive for financial independence.
Employment status is a pivotal factor in the decision-making process.Financial independence becomes a critical consideration when deciding to end a relationship.Women who have cultivated skills and secured employment opportunities are more likely to leave relationships that no longer align with their needs and aspirations.This empowerment is exemplified by women who pursue careers as bakers, salespersons, or craft artists, indicating their ability to chart their own path without depending on their migrant partners.
Now that I am in a more mature phase of life, I've come to recognize the importance for women to strive for excellence and acquire a skill, whether it's tailoring or hairstyling, as life can be uncertain regarding the companions we'll have.Without educationalopportunities, learning a trade becomes vital for success, considering life's challenges; lacking proficiency in any field only compounds the difficulties.Jennifer, aged 45, employed, 19 years apart, mother of 4 children During a previous period, the government used to organize baking workshops in Agua Dulce.Women who attended these workshops utilized their acquired knowledge to initiate smallscale sales.Community Leader I generate income through my paintings.I produce artworks for sale.In current times, women who choose not to work are essentially women choosing not to pursue success.Elena, aged 40, salesperson, 8 years apart, mother of 4 children During data collection, women openly spoke about their partners' infidelity, however, they were unlikely to speak about their own infidelity due to being judged more harshly than men for adultery.Community stakeholders discussed both men and women infidelity and linked it to the couples' age, sex drive, and length of separation.Men on the other hand, do not talk about their own infidelity or their partners' infidelity; in machismo culture, men do not accept their partner's infidelity.Furthermore, women, during the time their partners are away, are accustomed to living by their own house rules, making decisions regarding their children, and coming and going as they please.
Upon his departure, I began making decisions independently.I resolved to be a pillar of strength for my daughters, establishing my own guidelines.In the absence of a partner, I filled the roles of both mother and father, protecting my daughters.Upon his return, I foundmyself questioning: When will you leave?At what point are you departing?.Marisa, aged 47, salesperson, 16 years apart, mother of 2 children Sometimes, migrants fare well while the women who stay behind experience difficultiessome women form associations with new partners.The predicament arises when migrants face deportation or return home only to find their partners expecting.

Community Leader
His return significantly altered our dynamics.I had grown accustomed to solitude after a prolonged period of managing responsibilities alone.The pressure at work weighed heavily on me, especially with customers, and upon his arrival, I had additional responsibilities.This surge in duties led to considerable stress, prompting me to question why he returned, suggesting he was better off abroad.Petra, aged 39, business owner, 7 years apart, mother of 3 children Emotional and physical abuse are constantly present among reunited couples and are exacerbated when alcohol is abused.In these cases, many women decide to end their relationships-many feel that they are too old to be willing to put up with their partners' demands or violence.On occasions the women's family must intervene to prevent further violence against them.Most often alcohol consumption initiates while the returnee is abroad and continues or worsens upon reunification with the family.During fieldwork, we observed that men consumed alcohol in public spaces, even at community gatherings such as funerals.
We were a typical couple, yet underlying machismo occasionally led to clashes.His struggles with alcoholism escalated his tendency towards violence, even in situations where I wasn't the instigator.I was involved with an abusive partner, enduring trying times.Daniela, aged 48, field worker, 3 years apart, mother of 2 children Jose, an excessively heavy drinker among the migrants, was deported due to his behavior.Upon his return, his alcoholism led him to become aggressive towards his wife and son.Eventually, they vacated their house, leaving him alone.

Healthcare Provider
In a previous altercation, he resorted to violence and struck me.My parents and brother intervened, and I made it clear that it was the first and last time he would strike me, or Iwould leave.Rebecca, aged 30, housewife, 6 years apart, mother of 2 children End of the Relationship but Continue to Live Together.In some cases, reunited couples in Agua Dulce choose to end their romantic relationships but continue living together (n = 3).These women negotiate and defy traditional patriarchal gender norms by sharing their home with their expartners while maintaining their jobs or businesses to support their children.This arrangement allows them to jointly care for their children and manage household expenses, all while leading independent personal lives.Age plays a role in this decision, as older women, like Martha at 43, may feel less bound by traditional gender norms and more confident and independent due to their partner's absence.Gender dynamics are key here, as these women assert their agency by forging non-romantic living arrangements, challenging patriarchal norms, and resisting societal pressures to conform.Their employment status, often marked by financial independence, empowers them to negotiate such arrangements, emphasizing the importance of economic autonomy in these situations.
During his prolonged absence, I gradually shed constraints that were once in place due to his preferences.Eventually, he ceased being a part of my life, and I no longer felt obligated to obey him or seek permission.Martha, aged 43, salesperson, 8 years apart, mother of 3 children An individual left for the United States at 18 and returned after 18 years, now accompanied by a partner, albeit not in a romantic capacity.They reside under the same roof, yet their relationship is non-romantic.

Community Leader
At times, as wives, we adopt an attitude of resilience against potential harm from returnees.Succumbing to such behavior would imply acceptance of their way of life.In our case, we coexist but maintain our independence-our lives do not intersect.Gabriela, aged 48, field worker, 3 years apart, mother of 2 children Despite not being romantically involved, some women care for migrants who return ill from complications due to untreated chronic illness.The act of caring is not only gendered but also socially expected of women as an act of kindness towards their ex-partners.This was the case of Alexa who cared for a returnee who developed pulmonary tuberculosis due to HIV/AIDS and struggled to find a balance between caring for him, looking after her daughter and working fulltime to provide for the family.Likewise, a community leader discussed the strains of a woman supporting her migrant partner through health challenges.It involved caring for the returnee, taking him to medical visits, and being financially responsible for the household.
His health deteriorated, and I couldn't manage on my own.Seeking assistance from his family, they initially aided in his care during hospitalization.However, their support dwindled over time.Carla, aged 33, involved in corn leaf preparation, 9 years apart, mother of 3 children When conversing with the woman responsible for the untreated diabetes type II sufferer, she voiced her frustrations.She found herself in charge of his care, arranging doctor visits and funding X-rays.Yet, when seeking help, she was met with sentiments that he should have stayed in Agua Dulce instead of leaving.(abroad) Community Leader Conserve the Relationship.Some relationships thrive due to effective communication during separation and upon return, remittance management, and couples' readiness to negotiate roles, even amid societal expectations.They learn to coexist by either embracing or challenging community gender norms.This can involve women negotiating to keep their jobs or businesses (n = 4) or returning to traditional housewife roles (n = 5).Despite Agua Dulce's patriarchal nature, some returning partners take on traditionally female responsibilities like childcare and household chores.twice or thrice a week with their partners.This is important, as many other women mentioned that the frequency in phone calls they received from their migrant partners from abroad reduced or stopped completely over time.Arguments and fights during separation and upon reunification were not reported as issues.Some couples stated that mutual respect and support were key in preserving their relationships.
Our relationship remains stable as she understood our separation was geographical, not emotional.Frequent phone calls and gifts maintained our connection.She monitored the construction of our house from afar.Tomás, aged 44, returnee, field worker, father of 3 children Ours is a solid marriage.Growing up together and a prolonged courtship before marriage fostered a strong bond.Communication, mutual respect, and understanding each other's desires are the cornerstones of our successful relationship.Julian, aged 44, returnee, mason, 14 years apart, father of 4 children

Policy implications
This research delves into the complex interplay of age, gender, and employment status within the context of reunified couples in rural Mexico, shedding light on the dynamics influencing three distinct relationship outcomes.To further elucidate the connections between these social locations and relationship outcomes, we emphasize the role of gender roles and gender-role attitudes in shaping these dynamics.
Addressing Gender Norms and Roles.The study underscores the pervasive influence of machismo culture in Agua Dulce, where traditional gender norms dictate that men migrate to provide for their families, while women are expected to stay behind and manage household responsibilities (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Suárez Sarmiento, 2021).This observation aligns with Coltrane's (2004) on elite careers and family commitment, emphasizing how gender norms continue to shape roles and expectations.Challenging and reshaping these gender norms is pivotal in fostering more equitable and supportive environments for post-migration reunified couples.The international literature on gender dynamics and return migration suggests that these couples are constantly engaged in negotiating gender roles, potentially reinforcing patriarchal gender systems (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;King & Lulle, 2022).Courtenay (2000) provides insights into constructions of masculinity and their influence on men's well-being, which can be related to the negotiation of gender roles within reunified couples.Additionally, the issue of alcoholism among return migrants, often leading to violence and separation, aligns with existing literature (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022b;Bastia, 2011;Kulis et al., 2010;Samari, 2021).This emphasizes the need for interventions to address these challenges, as discussed in the literature on gender norms and health in the context of Mexico (Nuñez et al., 2016).
Reinventing Gender Dynamics.Some couples in our study opt to redefine traditional gender roles, allowing for a renegotiation of machismo (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Suárez Sarmiento, 2021).Returnees become actively involved in housework and childcare, while women maintain their agency through continued employment and independence.It is essential to recognize that the intersection of age, gender, and employment status profoundly influences the experiences of reunified couples (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Girma, 2017).Policymakers should consider these factors when designing programs aimed at empowering women economically and enhancing their autonomy within relationships.
Contextual Considerations.Reunification dynamics are not solely influenced by gender roles but are also shaped by the cultural context of the host and home countries (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Hagan & Wassink, 2020;Samari, 2021).Research by Samari (2021) underscores how migrants returning to Egypt from Arab countries embraced traditional gender roles, highlighting the importance of considering the context of both the host and return destinations.This calls for a nuanced approach in policy development, acknowledging that migrants may adapt to different values and perceptions in diverse environments.We recommend the adoption of the Return Counseling Toolkit proposed by the International Organization for Migration, offering a globally informed perspective for capacity-building in return, readmission, and reintegration efforts (Espinosa-Márquez & González-Ramírez, 2016;Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;IOM, 2022).
Support for Unique Living Arrangements.In our study, some couples decided to end their romantic relationships but continued to live under the same roof, sharing house responsibilities.Additionally, many women took on the role of caring for sick partners without government support, underscoring the gender inequity in caregiving (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022, 2023;Rosete, 2012).This phenomenon necessitates a social justice lens in policy and research to address the caregiving burden on women effectively.Specialized resources and services are required to support these unique living arrangements and return migration programs should extend their focus to include support for receiving families and communities, particularly when migrants have spent extended periods abroad or return under challenging socioeconomic conditions (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Konzett-Smoliner, 2016;Saguin, 2020).
Economic Empowerment for Women.Women's economic independence emerges as a crucial factor in providing support for their families in reunified couples (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023;Suárez Sarmiento, 2021).Policymakers should prioritize initiatives that promote entrepreneurship, vocational training, and access to job opportunities for women who remain in their home communities.These measures not only enhance the economic well-being of women but also contribute to family stability and cohesion.
Transnational Family Support.To bolster family well-being, international collaboration between Mexico and countries hosting significant Mexican migrant populations, such as the United States and Canada, could be instrumental.Promoting temporary and permanent worker programs that facilitate legal entrance for migrants and allow for more frequent visits to their families in home countries may be an effective means of supporting transnational families (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023).This aligns with our findings, which emphasize that time spent apart is a determining factor for family well-being.

Conclusions
The findings of this study shed light on the complex interplay of age, gender, and employment status in shaping the reunification experiences of Mexican migrant couples in the community of Agua Dulce.The study's main theoretical contribution lies in its nuanced examination of how these intersecting factors influence relationship pathways, illustrating the diverse ways in which couples navigate their post-reunification dynamics.The argument presented underscores that while traditional gender norms persist in Agua Dulce, the migration process disrupts and renegotiates these norms, offering opportunities for women to challenge, negotiate, and transform their roles and agency within the household.
The patterns identified in the study reveal several notable insights.First, the exploration of relationship pathways-such as "End of the Relationship," "End of the Relationship but Continue to Live Together," and "Conserve the Relationship"-demonstrates the complex spectrum of responses to migration-related challenges, ranging from complete separation to renegotiating cohabitation arrangements.This diversity of responses underscores the agency of women, as they navigate circumstances marked by infidelity, violence, economic independence, and caretaking responsibilities.Additionally, the study's framing of communication, respect, and mutual support as crucial elements of successful relationships counters traditional narratives of machismo and highlights the transformative potential of male-female dynamics.
The patriarchal structure of Agua Dulce, characterized by traditional gender norms and expectations, interacts with capitalism and the migration phenomenon to shape the experiences of migrant couples.The study unveils how women's age and employment status, informed by capitalism's demand for skills and agency, allow for more negotiation within relationships, despite the persistence of patriarchal ideals.Moreover, the power dynamics within these relationships are influenced by the gendered roles associated with caregiving, economic contribution, and decisionmaking, as women navigate their roles within the household while seeking economic independence.
Intriguingly, the study reveals that while migration may perpetuate gendered divisions of labor, it also creates openings for renegotiating these divisions upon reunification.This finding challenges the assumption that migration reinforces rigid gender roles, suggesting instead that the experiences of separation and return can provide space for agency and transformation.The study's nuanced analysis of these patterns underscores the multidimensionality of the migrant experience and invites a reexamination of the relationship between migration, gender, and power within the context of broader social structures.

Strengths and limitations
Although this study followed a rigorous critical methodology to examine the reunification experiences and gender dynamics of reunited couples in Agua Dulce, it is important to acknowledge certain limitations.The potential for recall bias in participants' narratives regarding pre-migration and separation periods could have influenced the accuracy and completeness of their accounts.Our exclusion of interviews with other family members, whose perspectives could have enriched our insights, represents a limitation as well.Subsequent research endeavors should contemplate the inclusion of children's viewpoints and how intergenerational kinship dynamics influence the process of family reunification.
The immersive nature of the first author's six-month engagement with the residents of Aguadulce was slightly hindered by the ongoing disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic.This situation prevented us from conducting interviews and observations within indoor spaces or participants' homes.Moreover, the study's focus on a specific small rural community in Veracruz may constrain the generalizability of the key informants' experiences to urban contexts or diverse states within Mexico.
Lastly, it's worth noting that a significant portion of the interviewed sample had voluntarily returned to Mexico.As a result, the challenges of reintegration elucidated in this study might differ in intensity for individuals who are compelled to return involuntarily, warranting deeper investigation in future research.

Table 1 . Relationship pathways and characteristics among reunited couples in Agua Dulce, México 2021 Outcome Number of cases Women's age at departure Women's age at return Period of separation Women employment Level of remittances
Age factors into relationship success, with older couples like Rosa (aged 47) and Julian (aged 44) valuing mutual respect, communication, and understanding.Over time, they've built a stronger relationship foundation.Gender dynamics are pivotal, as thriving couples often defy traditional norms.Men like Oliver (aged 24) actively participate in household chores and childcare, challenging traditional gender roles and fostering relationship health.Financial stability, often achieved through employment or business ownership, allows couples to navigate their roles more flexibly.This stability enables them to prioritize communication and mutual support, which are vital for sustaining their relationships.My husband is affectionate, respectful, and caring.His treatment towards me mirrors that of a girlfriend.He's deeply involved with my children and me.After work, he takes time to rest and bathe before assuming childcare responsibilities.Our roles are shared.Rosa, aged 47, housewife, 16 years apart, mother of 3 children I assist my wife with laundry and housekeeping.My involvement enables her to take a break.Oliver, aged 24, field worker, 5 years apart, father of 2 children Upon his return, I carried on with my routine.Work continued, and I managed tasks such as deliveries and collections as needed.I emphasized that he needed to adapt to my established pace of life, as I couldn't alter my routine after living independently for a decade during his absence.Marisa, aged 44, business owner, 10 years apart, mother of 1 child Communication among couples during separation and upon return is key in a successful relationship; returnees that continue their relationship reported to communicate over the phone at least