Indigenous knowledge and forest management practices among Shekachoo people in the Sheka Biosphere Reserve A case of Shato core area, South-west Ethiopia

Abstract atural places that are maintained and managed with the help of indigenous people are both culturally and environmentally vital, and can be studied in a wide range of contexts. This research explores indigenous forest conservation and management practices and related taboos, values, and beliefs of Shekachoo people in the Shato core area, Sheka biosphere reserve, South-west Ethiopia. Semi-structured interviews and participant observation were used to gather qualitative information for this study, which was based on an interpretive paradigm. Both primary and secondary sources were examined to ob tain data relevant to this study. The focus group discussions and key informant interviews included a significant number of informants, including clan leaders, community elders, women, youth, and forestry experts. Case studies, observations, and published and unpublished materials were also examined. The results of this research show how intrinsically tied Shekachoo people’s culture is to the forest, as well as to the Kobbo system of knowledge and practice. Forest resources in the Shato core area have been safeguarded, managed, and utilized sustainably for many generations because of this indigenous knowledge system. And, the study did show that today’s youth do not recognize these strategies. Therefore, research will open the door to documenting this important knowledge for all those concerned to gain insight into. Thus, Indigenous knowledge should be respected and recognized, traditional rules and regulations on the sustainable management of forest resources should be adequately communicated, especially to the young, and the government should employ an integrative strategy that considers both technical and indigenous knowledge systems to manage natural resources. Graphical Abstract


PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
This study examines Shekachoo indigenous knowledge and forest management practices in the Sheka Biosphere Reserve.A case study of the Shato Core area in south-west Ethiopia highlights the importance of the Kobbo system, an indigenous Shekacho institution, in protecting natural resources, especially forests set aside for cultural purposes.The study is significant because it adds to the body of knowledge concerning the Shekachoo community's worldview regarding traditionally and mythically sacred natural areas and long-standing customs of protecting and sustaining natural resources.The paper presents a thorough and in-depth ethnographic study of the Shekachoo People and how their traditional practices and Indigenous knowledge (such as taboos against cutting particular tree species) directly support the preservation and sustainable management of their forests.The study's findings may therefore be interesting to academics, those who protect natural areas, decision-makers, and the local community at large because they relate to traditional activities.
and unpublished materials were also examined.The results of this research show how intrinsically tied Shekachoo people's culture is to the forest, as well as to the Kobbo system of knowledge and practice.Forest resources in the Shato core area have been safeguarded, managed, and utilized sustainably for many generations because of this indigenous knowledge system.And, the study did show that today's youth do not recognize these strategies.Therefore, research will open the door to documenting this important knowledge for all those concerned to gain insight into.Thus, Indigenous knowledge should be respected and recognized, traditional rules and regulations on the sustainable management of forest resources should be adequately communicated, especially to the young, and the government should employ an integrative strategy that considers both technical and indigenous knowledge systems to manage natural resources.

Introduction
Ethiopia is currently facing high deforestation rates and the loss of its rich natural resources.Tadesse et al. (2007) stated that approximately 60% of the forest cover of the highland plateau of SW Ethiopia was lost due to man made destruction during the last 30 years.Similarly, approximately 50% of natural high forests were found to have been degraded to slightly or heavily disturbed forest lands in the period from 1971 and 1997 (Wirtu, 2000).Tesfaye and Thomas (2004) reported that the rapid loss of forests in the Yayu and Sheko areas in the SW is mainly due to deforestation.According to them, previous attempts to conserve forests in general, and coffee forests in particular, were precarious and did not have a significant impact.
Social institutions that administer forest management regulate who has access to them, how they are used, and how much labor and money are mobilized.The attachment of spiritual values to natural forest areas is a key social institution in indigenous communities that is crucial to forest management.Other aspects of religious beliefs that help conserve resources include social taboos.At the local and regional levels, cultural taboos may become more crucial for biodiversity conservation.Taboos are the societal norms and punishments embedded in hegemonic belief systems.Cultural ecologists have revealed the complex ecological adaptations behind taboos (Bennett, 2017;Colding & Folke, 1997;Head, 2010).Social taboos are informal institutions in which morality is governed by norms rather than by the usual regulatory rules and regulations.In the world, there are many traditional communities with taboos that frequently control how people interact with their surroundings.Traditional conservation practices rely on knowledge systems of many indigenous societies and they have accumulated a body of knowledge that enables them to make long-term plans as they move through forests.
In contrast, the modern creation of officially protected areas to set aside forests from human activities for the conservation of forests and biodiversity depends mainly on expensive policing to enforce access control (Colchester, 2003).The management of protected areas requires resources and political will to implement, which are often limited in competition with other national priorities.Moreover, taking away land from local people to create protected areas constitutes an opportunity cost.Scientists have questioned the effectiveness of parks and protected areas in forest conservation (Lindsey et al., 2007).
People living in or near forests have a deep understanding of natural resource management (Getahun & Yeshanew, 2016;Melaku Getahun, 2016).The ecological importance of such knowledge has been widely acknowledged (Brook & McLachlan, 2008;Jiao et al., 2012).Local communities and natural resources are still closely related in some forested areas.This interaction represents a tendency to favor the sustainability of forests.The more people have the chance to become involved in managing their forests, the greater their sense of ownership.The involvement of the community in forest management is achieved through indigenous knowledge or local wisdom (Mungmachon, 2012;Surtikanti et al., 2019).
The conservation of forest biodiversity is important and directly relevant to residents, for whom biological resources often represent their primary sources of livelihood, medicine, and spiritual values (Shackleton & Shackleton, 2004).The devolution of natural forest management to local communities has become more widespread because of the growing recognition that local communities are likely to manage forest resources better than the state (Agrawal & Ostrom, 2001).
Protected areas were established at the expense of local people and often deprived of their traditional economic livelihoods (Lambi et al., 2012).As a result, local people consider protected or reserved areas as constraints to their livelihoods (Bennett, 2017).Since it was not possible to create a rigid separation between land used by local people to obtain natural resource products and that designated by governments as protected areas, encroachment, poaching, and degradation were inevitable (Haenn, 2005).
Local people's cultural and socio-economic values regarding the natural resources around them were ignored in most state-centered management activities.According to Agrawal and Ostrom (2001), if local communities are effectively involved in conservation, the benefits they would receive would create an incentive for them to become good stewards of natural resources.On the other hand, if communities are not involved in the active management of natural resources, they are likely to harvest resources at an unsustainable rate.And, the cultural value of forest allocation, benefit-sharing, and management practices can strongly influence conservation decisions (Shoddo, 2020).
Due to its ability to consider several viewpoints, the conceptual framework for Two-Eyed Seeing was picked as an example for this study.It states that "learning to see from one eye with the strengths of Indigenous knowledges and ways of knowing, and from the other eye with the strengths Western knowledges and ways of knowing, and to use both these eyes together, for the benefit of all" (Reid et al., 2021).
The ecological wisdom of the Sheka people continues to safeguard natural resources up to the present.However, the community is now more vulnerable to a range of socioeconomic issues as a result of the changes in their way of life, prevailing values, and religious beliefs (Ameneshewa, 2015).
One of the most important traditional positions a Shekachoo can inherit is clan leader.However, in addition to socio-cultural consequences, political views and their associated traits also had an impact on the clan leader position, indigenous knowledge, and forest management methods of the Shekachoo people.During the period of imperial rule, the owner of mickiiracho's land was directly in charge of the feudal lord's ability to collect taxes and contribute soldiers for the army (Mengistu, 1995).Due to the Derg's anti-religious stance, clan heads were not allowed to perform their customary tasks.Following Derg's overthrow despite its survival, the position of gepitatoo has lost most of its administrative responsibilities (Mengistu, 1995Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007) In order to provide a thorough analysis, the discussion in this paper was unable to refrain from generalizations because cultural details would only serve to confirm the incomplete information that had already widened the gaps between local cultures and the modern world.Local and indigenous knowledge is not obtained from books or a product of scientific or academic research.Considering that no current conservation approach applied in the study area can fully addresses these emerging challenges to the Sheka forest, there is a need to consider the potential role of indigenous forest management knowledge and practices of the Shekachoo people.Thus, this study examined the indigenous forest management practices of the Shekachoo people in the Shato kobbo forests in the Sheka biosphere reserve, South-west Ethiopia.This may serve as a point of passage for sustainable management with transferable financial benefits from natural forests.

Description of study area
The study was conducted in Masha woreda of Sheka zone situated within the South-west Ethiopia regional state, bordering both the Gambela region in the West and the Oromia region in the North and East.It consists of three Woredas (Yeki, Anderacha, and Masha).Woreda's terrain is rugged and consists of mountainous areas that have influenced agricultural practices and settlement patterns.The woreda forest covers a large area and has a high biodiversity.Specifically, the topography of the study area includes flat areas, rough terrain, plateaus, and steep and gentle slopes.This study emphasizes five kebeles of masha woreda.And those kebele lays GCS Adindan between 7°42'0"−7°51'0"N and 35°27'0"-35°36'0"E "fig 1".Attitudinally, these kebeles lie between 1600-2400 m and have a total area of 19, 961 ha.
One of the few areas in Ethiopia where traditional beliefs and ecological knowledge have contributed to the conservation of nature to the present day is the Sheka zone.As a result, the Sheka Zone's forest areas make up the largest unbroken forest in the nation and by far the largest in the Horn of Africa (Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007).Local communities have cultivated a long tradition of sustainable forest management, known as Kobbo forestry, particularly in the Masha Woreda and Andracha Woreda, mainly for the production of honey and for the collection of wild coffee and cardamom.
Masha Woreda comprises 19 kebeles and one chartered town called Masha, which is the capital of Sheka Zone.The Woreda is limited to the west by Sele-Nonno Woreda of the Oromia region, to the South by Diddo-Lallo Woreda of Oromia region, and to the North by Andracha Woreda of Sheka Zone and has a total land area of 90,802.82hectares.Approximately 23.9% of this land area was farmed, 2.8% was used for grazing, 40.5% was covered in forest, 5.5% was arable, 5.9% was nonarable, and 21.4% was used for settlement (Zewide et al., 2018).
Ethiopia constitutes two of the 34 global biodiversity hotspots, namely, the Eastern Afromontane and Horn of Africa biodiversity hotspots (Gole & Getaneh, 2011).Southwest Ethiopia is home to Afromontane and Eastern biodiversity hotspots, which are habitats of several endangered fauna and flora species.Afromontane rain forests in southwest Ethiopia are predominantly found in the origin and diversity of wild Coffea Arabica.Four biosphere reserves were established from these locations (Kaffa, Yayu, Sheka, and Majang).
According to projected population statistics of Sheka Zone Finance and economic development Department (2013), Sheka zone has population of 308,988, and Masha woreda has a total population of 75,922 (24.5% of the zonal population).The total areal coverage of Masha Woreda is 763.73 sqkm and have population density of 100/sqkmt which was the second densely populated Woreda from the zone following Yeki Woreda which have 300.7/sqkm"fig 3." This research prioritized four Kebeles; Keja-Chewaqa, Welo, Beto, and Yepho.Because these woredas share a border with the Shato core area, it lies close to two massive plantation investments, the most degraded site in the area and an area known for indigenous forest management practices.
The vast majority of people in Masha is under the age of 30 years and engages in agriculture.Cereals, such as honey, enset, corn, grains, teff, beans, peas, and numerous spices, are among the main subsistence crops.Of these, approximately 23.9% were arable, 2.8% were used for grazing, 40.5% were covered in forest, 5.5% were used for cultivation, 5.9% were not arable, and 21.4% were used as settlement land (Zewide et al., 2018).According to community surveys, the primary sources of survival include, in descending order of importance, honey, enset, cattle, annual crops, sugarcane, vines, chat and gesho, cardamom, wild coffee, palm, banana, and timiz (Worku, 2015).

Research design
This research finding relied on an interpretive paradigm (a qualitative research model which assumes that reality happens through social constructions such as language, consciousness, shared meanings . . . .i.e. it helps to gain new insights from local community and interpret those indigenous knowledge with participants from the community) and employed semi-structured interviews and observations to collect qualitative data.The interviews were recorded and major discoveries were examined.The observational data were examined using an equivalent thematic methodology (it refers to a collection of texts, such an interview or a transcript.The researcher carefully studies the data to find recurring themes, or subjects, concepts, and meanings) A qualitative method was used to investigate how individuals viewed their social contexts.Most of the data used in this study were not numerical.To reach this result, the researcher analyzed data from first-hand observation, interviews, focus groups, participant-observation, recordings made in real-world settings, and documents.

Research approach
The motivation behind this study was to understand how Indigenous people their natural resources and how they may use their traditions and knowledge to manage their environment sustainably.The researchers were also intrigued by looking into various methodologies used to acquire, interpret, and share environmental knowledge and skills.It was crucial for us to understand the social and cultural context of the indigenous groups because it was there that the knowledge and skills we wanted to see were situated.Because it was exploratory in nature, the study had to be conducted in settings in which participants would behave normally.In this study, meaning was constructed through dialogue with the participants rather than through quantification.
The knowledge, views, and interpretations of the participants were essential components of the research and reflected on their assessments of their environmental practices and knowledge.Therefore, an ethnographic case-study approach was adopted.This study was conducted in four villages: Keja-Chewaqa, Welo, Beto, and Yepho.In addition to utilizing a purposive sample to choose participants, snowball sampling was used to find informants.All of these communities have a common IK knowledge of forest management practices through Kobbo system; they share a boundary with the Shato core area, which is a UNESCO registered biosphere reserve, and all of the Kebeles residents who practice kobbo indigenous forest management practices have been negatively impacted by investor expansion.

Data sources
Primary and secondary data were the two major categories of information sources widely used in this study.Primary data instances are from focus group findings and in-depth interviews with key informants, while secondary data were acquired from books and research papers.

Data collection
The study mainly employed qualitative and qualitative data collected through key informant interviews (KIIs), focused group discussions (FGDs), and case studies.Through this method, Shekachoos knowledge and practice about indigenous forest management, locally called Kobbo system, was explored.Data for this study were obtained through interviews conducted over eight weeks in June and August 2022.

Key informant interview
This study was intended to represent all members of the community; samples were taken from village leaders, elders, clan heads (gepitatoo), and natural resource experts.The interviews were administered in accordance with Rowley's (2012) perspective that there was "an interchange of views between two or more people on a topic of mutual interest" through verbal interactions.The objectives and methods of the study were explicitly explained to the participants during the discussion.We requested verbal and written consent from all participants.All verbal agreement was recorded.To allow for in-depth conversations, interviews with KI (clan heads and elders) were conducted one-on-one.
Here, the snowball sampling method was used to access informants through contact information provided by other informants to select individuals who have lived in the area for a long time, who are active and knowledgeable of their localities.Accordingly, eight key informants were selected from four kebele: Keja-chewaqa, Welo, Beto and Yepho (Figure 1 -study area map).Key Informant Interview was carried out in the participants' homes so that they would feel comfortable sharing their ideas and bringing up any difficulties.

Focus group selection
For the focus group discussions, individuals included categories that contained gender (both men and women) in the four groups.Moreover, the discussion also considered age categories (i.e., young and older) and the role of the kebele dwellers involved in forest conservation and management practices locally called Gepitatoo.Four focus group discussions were held at various places and times.FGD-1 was held in Keja village with clan leaders and community elders (nine members purposively selected) from Keja-Chewaqa (4) and Welo (5) villages (kebeles).FGD-2 was held in Beto village with clan leaders and community elders (eight members) selected from Beto (4) and Yepho (4) villages/kebeles.FGD-3 was held at Masha town, which includes women and youth purposively selected from all four kebeles (13 in total), and the final FDG-4 was also held at Masha with all clan leaders from kebeles of Masha woreda( 10) and (3) natural resource experts (15 in total).

Observation
Through observation, researchers tried to triangulate information obtained from key informant interviews and focus group discussions.Observations are used in the social sciences to collect data on people, processes, and cultures (Kawulich, 2012).Observations enable us to access those aspects of a social setting that may not be visible to the general public that backstage activities that the public does not generally see.Observations were recorded on the livelihood of the community, such as working styles, feeding, clothing, religious places, agricultural duties, marketing issues, communal interactions, cultural forests, wetlands, rituals (customs, habits, practices), and investment sites.

Case studies
Most qualitative research, especially ethnographic studies, uses case studies as their primary instrument.As a result, the researcher conducted two significant case studies pertaining to two crucial aspects of this study: the Significance of Kobbo indigenous forest management practices among Shekachoo and Knowledge continuity and sustainable forest management.

Quality of research
The researcher made an effort to use transparency in methodology, data collection and analysis procedures, research principles, and personal interests to ensure the quality of this study.Triangulation of methods and data sources was employed to produce high-quality, qualitatively valid research.Because the first author is a member of the study area's communities, it is easier for the study to comprehend the communities' cultures and practices (including their languages), which strengthens the reliability of this finding.

Method of data analysis
Data analysis in ethnographic research is challenging, as it includes an ample amount of data describing people's behavior, beliefs, and culture.The researcher followed discourse analysis, narrative description, thematic analysis, and content analysis to create meaningful insights into indigenous knowledge and practices of the community on forest management.Using a content analytical technique, one can determine whether certain words, meanings, or concepts are present in a set of qualitative data (i.e., text) (White & Marsh, 2006).Using content analysis, the researcher was able to quantify and examine the existence, meanings, and connections of particular words, meanings, or concepts in the indigenous community's IK.To uncover and interpret themes in qualitative data gathered, such as interviews, thematic analysis was also used.In this study, participant observations and case study data were analyzed using a narrative analysis.Discourse analysis helps to draw meaning from language in the context of communities' IK and a sustainable natural resource management perspective.Analyze the functions and underlying meanings of language in context, and relate to other findings with similar topics and conclusions.

Social organizational structure of Shekachoo people
The management of natural resources, particularly forests, relies heavily on the community social structure.Shakachoos have their own long-standing social organization that helps to manage and control natural resources, notwithstanding recent influences occurred in IK of forest management practices.The systematic structuring of social organizations in resource management was based on traditional social systems.The traditional social organization of the Sheka people consists of the king (Shekitato), councils (mikiracho), and clan leaders (gepitato).At the top of the social organization of Shakachoos was a king (Shekitato).Councilors (mikiracho), clan chiefs (gepitatoo), and the people chosen to serve under them are all subordinate to the king.To protect its members from social disorders, which may accelerate environmental degradation, the social organization upholds systematic relationships among them.
According to KII-(M, S, & Z) and (Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007), once a year, often on September 26th, the king (Shekitato) organizes a general assembly.The last time this type of assembly was held was in 2000.The king grants titles to socially well-known and intelligent people at the assembly in order to recognize their exceptional abilities to settle disputes and maintain peace in the community.The king is positioned next to the seven council members (Mikiracho).The council's seven members are katarasha, welasha, akakerasha, farasha, gesherasha, shisherasha, and chiterasha.The king was subject to dismissal by seven councilors.Each piece of land under the jurisdiction of each councilor is managed by the councilors.
During the imperial period, the land of a particular mickiiracho was directly responsible for the feudal lord's collection of taxes and for contributing members to the army (Mengistu, 1995).Under the councilor, a number of clan leaders (gepitatos) are responsible for administrative activities.Among Shekachoos, the most important traditional role that a person can inherit is the clan leader.On this occasion, the bull is slaughtered by the person elected to be the clan leader.If the bull he kills at the ceremony does not shout, he will not be appointed and the people will not accept his reign.Because, shouting of the bull often linked with the power of voice to be listened and respected by the community and its ability to listen the voice of all members with out bias.Clan chiefs assign titles to those elected as subordinates.The titles they give include : weltata, abeltata, arettata, shibitata, yaphitata, betata, degitano, akitano, and yewitano (FGD-4 and Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007).
The informants described that the clans were divided into two major groups (moieties) named Baraado and Akaakoo.The split into two is to avoid endogamous marriage and broaden marriage options (Mengistu, 1995).As a result, the clans living north of the Ganji River are referred to as Akaakoos, while those living south are known as Baraados.Moieties are characterized by exogamous marriages.Clan leaders (gepitatoo) are responsible for various tasks that have a significant impact on sociocultural, religious, and economic problems.In addition to serving as local political leaders, they also serve as ritual leaders and administrators, who adjudicate disputes between clan members.
Environmental degradation has intensified owing to the decreasing influence of clan leaders in the management of forests and other resources.In the present, all of the clan leaders' formerly managed and led forests has been entirely transformed into "government forest," according to FGD-1 with clan leaders."During the imperial period, the government preferred the clan leaders to administer the area, but, now Government was controlled all natural forests and was unable to prevent the massive deforestation."During the imperial period, clan leaders used to allocate land to newcomers and "purify" the land and its people from misfortunes (Mengistu, 1995).The clan leaders in charge of each area administered a variety of natural resources including wetlands, rivers, forests, and sacred sites, along with the people they appointed.
Although the position of gepitatoo has survived, most of its administrative duties have been taken away.Clan leaders are only left with ritual responsibilities following their incorporation into the Ethiopian empire, especially after the formation of the peasant association in 1974 and the sub-associations that fell under it (Mengistu, 1995).KI-A stated that with the coming of the Derg government came into power, the remaining responsibilities of clan leaders were shifted to kebele officials who were appointed by the politicians.According to the informants, the Derg did not permit clan chiefs to carry out their traditional duties due to its anti-religious stance and their belief that they were supporters of the previous feudal regime.
Following the downfall of the Derg regime, however, gepitatoos started to play their traditional role, including ritual leadership.Traditional responsibilities performed by gepitatoos include the following: Perform and lead various religious ceremonies and rituals.Provide blessing to their land and pray for the peace of their people, cattle, and crops; informally administer natural resources such as cultural forests and wetlands; play a primary role in customary dispute resolution; and impose and enforce punishments for the violation of traditional rules related to resource management and celebration of religious ceremonies.The punishments usually involve fines in kind, advice, ostracism, and so on.Gepitatos identifies offenders by swearing and cursing.Fire, egg, water, and ash are materials used in the swearing process, whereas spears are commonly used in the curing process.Thus, clan leaders perform different social, cultural (religious) and economic activities that are substantially related to resource management and the livelihood of the community.

Indigenous knowledge and practice
Indigenous knowledge refers to the understanding, skills, and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interactions with their natural surroundings (Ford et al., 2020).For rural and indigenous peoples, local knowledge informs decision-making about the fundamental aspects of day-to-day life.This knowledge is integral to a cultural complex that encompasses language, systems of classification, resource use practices, social interactions, rituals, and ceremonies.
The resource management practices of Sheka people were based on their traditional ecological knowledge, which is highly influenced by their social organization, religious conception, and worldviews.Shakachoos classified the natural environment into different types of management zones, having strong interrelations with one another to maintain environmental stability.Their social organization makes it possible to manage different categories of the environment.
The key natural resources that communities use to maintain their ecological knowledge are forests, wetlands, rivers, and waterfalls.The religious taboos placed on resources and habitats in Guudo forests serve as the foundation for the preservation of these cultural forests.People are also prohibited from planting wetlands and removing wood near and around rivers because of taboos and societal values.Shekachoos believe that people who violate these taboos will die or face evil things.They argued that there is a strong relationship between wetlands, rivers, and forests in their environment.They believe that wetlands are sources of rivers, and both wetlands and rivers are protected from drying by forests.

Spiritual knowledge and beliefs
Indigenous people's belief systems are frequently affected by their spiritual knowledge, close encounters with nature, or the past and present experiences of others that are passed on from generation through myths, tales, and folklore.Often, belief systems are intact and influence people's perceptions and attitudes towards nature and the environment.The Shekachoo people, like other indigenous people of the world (Eisenstadt & West, 2017;Ford et al., 2020) are no exception.They have existing belief systems that influence their perceptions of the world and enable them to develop connections with their environment.This section discusses their spiritual knowledge and beliefs and how these influence their attitudes towards their environment.The findings of this study discussed knowledge and beliefs about natural resources, particularly forests, and those related to the physical environment.
The spiritual knowledge that Shekachoo people possess, which explains their beliefs about and how they perceive their world, highlights their close connection to it.By recognizing the presence of supernatural beings, they understand the relationship between their material and spiritual worlds.
They accept the interdependence of these two worlds and that one cannot be understood in isolation from the other.Every mysterious event or phenomenon is connected to a spiritual realm.For example, According to the KI Mr S "If someone suddenly becomes ill after being completely healthy for a long time, people may naturally blame a spiritual attack because they think that person may have behaved badly in a natural forest.Thus, gepitatoo will call him to explain his/her sin action within kobbo 1 and any other customary forest jurisdiction.And, he will pray for yeroochii (God) to reconcile his/her sin, and then the person will be healed".But, this was exceptional, according to KI Mr. Z "If an individual destroys Kobbo, i.e. throws down large trees, growing trees, steals a beehive containing honey, and destroys it by shouting, and if he does not return after being advised and brought under control, then the people around him who have Kobbo 2 and the clan leader must release this Kobbo by saying: eajjo biuyigga; bikashagga noo t'ishoo de'achononnee;chorotto bechitonoonee; maremmi chorottos nokishhoo gijachononee' the older people give their word.The meaning of this is "If someone goes there and something happen on him, we do not know the end of his soul and flesh.And, we are not responsible

Beliefs about natural resource
As discussed above, beliefs are not only related to spiritual knowledge but are also linked to past experiences that may have been wonderful or terrifying, depending on personal encounters (Tiu, 2007).Such knowledge and experience lead to the development of taboos or restrictions placed on natural resources, such as trees, rocks, rivers, or swampy areas.
Compared to central government institutions, local institutions are considered better at providing rules related to access, harvesting, and management, and provide a forum that can respond to conflicts quickly and cheaply (Tulu, 2010;Varughese, 1998).
The term "forest protection" refers to the preservation of species and ecosystems for present and future generations, primarily in natural areas that are protected by law or customs.Protected areas are crucial for sustaining diversity because maintaining a species' habitat is the best way to keep it alive.Protected areas also help stabilize the local climate, protect watersheds, and prevent erosion (Pramova et al., 2012).Protected areas are the most commonly used strategy for conserving Ethiopia's remnant natural forests would be through protected areas (Siraj et al., 2018).
In Sheka forest general and Shato core area in particular, Shekachoo people have developed long history and indigenous knowledge of forest conservation and management.They have developed a system called Deddo, Guudo and Kobbo to protect and sustainably manage natural resources.All the above indigenous knowledge of forest management serves as protected areas in one way or another.While, in 2011, Shekacho people indigenous knowledge of nature conservation and natural resources were registered in UNESCO as MAB (Man and its Biodiversity).
According to him guudo (large rock) was found in the middle of kobbo/natural/cultural forest and serves as a place of worship.Guudo 4 is crucial for promoting traditional forest protection through resource and habitat taboo.It is situated in relatively elevated areas around big stones and trees in the middle of cultural forests.It serves as a place of worship where prayers, sacraments, and rituals are conducted.Most people are unaware of the sites, with the exception of clan leaders who conduct prayers and offer sacraments.Few people are aware of the precise location of worship areas in cultural forests.Informants and field guides were afraid to pinpoint these locations precisely, because they thought it might put them in danger.It is inappropriate for impure people to enter guudo.Guudo is an off-limit to women and anyone who has handled a coffin within the past several days.
Due to socio-cultural changes, traditional beliefs are weakened.The provision of sacrament is not currently practiced.The Shekachoo interprets the belief in guudo with biblical histories of Mosses and Abraham's prayer and sacraments described in the Old Testament on a mountain where they trace their origin (Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007).Every forest with a guudo site is forbidden from cutting.Clearing such cultural forest areas or cutting trees for house construction and furniture is prohibited.The prohibition of hanging beehive (which has been violated in the past few decades) was to provide shelter for bee colonies expelled from their hive in kobbo during honey harvest in May.According to the KI-S (gepitato-do'o anii), most people have recently started to violate the rule, hanging beehive, hunting, and cutting climber is a taboo that every member of the community generally observes.Currently, few guddo left are exposed to deforestation, and there is also a conception among the community that the protection of the cultural forests within kobo and guudo ensures normal rainfall distribution.Natural and cultural forests also protect wild animals, as hunting in such forests is forbidden.Cultural forest areas are subject to resource and habitat taboos, which have major ecological implications, especially for the conservation of forests and other resources.They safeguard wild animals, bee colonies, and plant and animal species from extinction.

Local people perception about forest
The Shekachoo see the forest as an integral element of nature that corresponds to the integrity of the cultural personality of the community.The land, water, plants, fauna, air, and spirit that support and advance the social, economic, political, and spiritual cultures of the people cannot be separated from the forest as the source of life.
The forest has life and spirit.Its body and health require care and attention.It has language, communication, and a law that sets the direction of its organization and relationships.Thus, the forest serves as a worship area for people, learning centers, areas of governance, pharmacies, markets, shelters, and territories.The indigenous cultures of people are crucial for the preservation and management of forests, and vice versa.
It is a great challenge for governments of developing countries to reconcile the need for the expansion of development programs through investment in increasing environmental degradation and the loss of biological diversity.

General background about Kobbo's IK practice
Forestlands in the study area are divided into cultural forests and large forest areas, which are administered through kobbo customary rights.Cultural forests and large forest areas administered through kobbo differ in two major ways.First, cultural forests are found around villages and hilly or mountainous areas, while large forest areas are found relatively far from people's settlements (towards Baro River).Second, the attitudes, conceptions, and beliefs of the local community towards the two types of forests are very different.The management of cultural forests is based on resource and habitat taboos.The management of large forests (kobbo) is based on the rights and obligations of the individual who inherited forestland from his ancestors.
All people interviewed during the study state Kobbo is managed in accordance with customary laws that define the rights and responsibilities of those who possess forestland (kobbo).Hence, a kobbo is a portion of one's own inherited "forestland" which is mostly utilized for collecting honey and other NTFP.The owner has a customary right to hang hives to make honey and collect other types of NTFP.
The owner can also construct traditional beehives from the kobbo.For their own use and market sale, only owners are allowed to collect wild coffee, household furnishings, agricultural implements, non-timber construction materials, including several varieties of climbers, and spices like "Kororima" and "Timiz." According to the response of the informant, traditionally, clan leaders control the holder of kobbo who is responsible for illegal timber extraction and other damages brought within his boundary.A clan leader has the right to impose different forms of punishment on the illegal use of forest resources.Currently, both the government and owners control forests and NTFPs in kobbo area.Clan leaders still provide informal advice to promote the conservation of resources in kobbo area.Selective hunting was also conducted in this forest area.Many of the informants indicated that a number of wild animals they would see on their way to kobbo for honey production and other activities have been amazingly reduced in the past few decades.
According to KI-N, in the Sheka area, everyone has their own Kobbo in the forest region managed by the clan and the clan leader.They managed this by identifying those using river or tree symbols. he will be forced to apologize if he inadvertently cut down the trees and harm the biodiversity within them; If he knowingly cuts and refuses to forgive, he will be considered as having dared the local culture and Kobbo's knighthood and will be cursed.If a large tree in the forest area managed by the clan leader (especially black wood) was suddenly cut down by a natural disaster, the clan leader and local elders would think about it will be fasting for nine days.they will pray for Gods forgiveness.
No one is allowed to yell or create noise when entering Kobbo.It is not allowed to take off his/ her clothes in sheltered or Kobbo (taboo).They called each other the local name of tree, or imitating the sound of a bird.The local community has already understood why they protect forests and its biodiversity through Kobbo IK system.According to the response of the community elder, Mr. N: ለቀፎ ዝግጅት ወደ ጥብቅ ደኑ ወይም ኮቦ በሚገቡበት ጊዜ በሚጠቀሙበት ስለታም ነገሮች ማለትም በጠገራና ገጀራ በኩል የተለያዩ የዕጸዋት በሽታዎች እንዳይገቡ ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ ያደርጋሉ፡፡ ለምሳሌ፡ ስለታም ነገሮችን በእሳት በጣም በማጋል ይህ በሽታ እንድሞት ይደረጋል፡፡ አለበለዚያ አድስ ጠገራ ወይም ገጀራ ይገዛና ለዚሁ በኮቦ ዉስጥ ለሚደረግ ተግባር ብቻ እንድዉል በጥንቃቄ ይቀመጣል፡፡ ይህም ስለታም ነገሮችን በማጋየት የደን በሽታን የመከላከሉ ተግባር ከህዝቡ ጋር የቆዬ ሀገር በቀል ዕዉቀት ነዉ፡፡ በዚህም የደን አጠባበቅ ስርኣት ይህ ደን ለትዉልድ ስተላለፍ ቆይቷል፡፡ Translated as follows; 'When they enter in to the deep forest or kobbo to prepare the bee hive, they take great care to prevent the transmission of various plant diseases through the use of sharp objects like axes.They flame sharp objects too much to kill bacteria or fungi.Otherwise, they buy new axes and keep them carefully so that they spend it only for this activity in Kobbo.This is the traditional method of flaming sharp objects to prevent forest infection.
According to informants, clan leaders and community elders played a significant role in solving disputes among Kobbo practitioners.After the clan leader and local elders investigate the matter, the trouble-maker is charged to the Kobbo owner.Because a person who did improper actions (preparing hives from some one's Kobbo forest) was considered as a thief by the owner, because he cut down a tree, it was considered to have killed his son, so they forced him to appear before the clan leader and apologize.If he refuses to do so, he will be punished.
Big trees have a meaning in the area because it holds numerous plants and climbers at its roots.We consider this tree as a king, those which found at its base and climbers represent the people and system of governance.Therefore, we consider that the one who threw down this big and spiky tree has thrown down the leadership and system; if that tree falls on its own, it is an indication that the leadership system will fail if they do not check their leadership/governance system immediately.In addition, this tree (two or three trees) has lived harmoniously for centuries as a model of unity.And, when a family quarrels, the elders take it to this big tree and tell them to observe the tolerance and interaction of those trees.Thus, it symbolize the interaction of the local community should live in cooperation and support each other.
Types of food in this forest: "Achuloo, gabee aefoo, dupe afoo, used as food; the terro (climbers) used that when they are very thirsty, they quench their thirst by drinking water of terro (climber) and giving it to their children.
The community goes to the forest and trees to ask for forgiveness from the creator, thanking the creator, and, repenting for the sins they have committed.If there is a clash/conflict with one or many people in the local community, clan leaders with all conflicting groups and community leaders will go to the forest and sit down and stares at the wind.By observing the interaction between the forest and wind, the elders speak for both conflicting groups as follows: ዝቅ ብሎ ክፉ ቀንን ማሳለፍ፤ ለሰዎች ክፉ ድርግት በክፋት ያለመመለስ፤ ስድብና ዘለፋን ዝም ብሎ ማሳለፍ፤ ከመጣላት ይልቅ ለአካባቢዉ ሀገር ሽማግለዎችና ጎሳ መሪዎች በመናገር ጉዳዩ በሰላም እንድፈታ ቅድሚያ የሚሰጥ ሰዉ ሰላም ወዳድና በተግባሩ የከበረ መሆኑና ከሰዎች ጋር በፍቅርና በመቻቻል የሚኖር ትልቅ ሰዉ መሆኑን ያሳያል፡፡ ስለዚህ ተፈጥሮ ታርቆ እየኖረ እናንተ ምን ሆናችሁ ትጣላላችሁ?
"Do not return evil to people with evil.Spending insults and in silence, instead of fighting, speaks to the elders and clan leaders of the community.A person who did these shows that he/she is a peace-loving and honorable in his actions and who lives with people in love and tolerance".
According to KI-C, knowledge of the Kobbo forest management system and the forest managed by this system is decreasing in size.In the past, the local community understood that the forest is life and provided all the necessary things for themselves: it was the clothes, if they were trimmed, if they were hungry, it was the food, if they were thirsty; it was water for drinking, if they were sacked, and it was the medicine.In addition, Kobbo forests have maintained a balance of ecosystems.In addition to this KI-B responds that; As a family we didn't have and was not for my father or my grandfather.A century ago, we came in to this area; we did not really understand the benefits of Kobbo indigenous forest management practices.When I was a child, I asked my father why they did not cut this tree or sow grain.My father would have been angry on me and say "don't ask me this again, wondering if there was a reason why they had kept it until now.Now, in my middle age, I realized that Kobbo was protected and managed by society for several centuries.They were protected by thinking not only for the present generation but also for the future, not only for the area on which they reside, but also for the whole world.I understand that it is a natural resource protection and forest management system that shows the ability to think far and wide, and that I have been protecting and managing different types of trees near my farmland.My farm is surrounded by hilly areas, so I protect and manage these areas by planting trees.
Today, however, concluding that forest become the only a way to make money for everyone, and they have, said that 'we have no better option than investment', thus Kobbo system, of the forest and biodiversity conservation work was forgotten, and the central forest area (core area), ruthlessly given to big coffee and tea investments.Knowledge of forest management that has preserved this forest for centuries is also considered ignorant.
The Focus group discussions of G-1 and 2 regarding the current status and practice of Kobbo forest management system agreed and said that people in."shatoo, shayii chatti, shekibadoo" and so on areas are practicing Kobbo system of forest management, even if it is not in an organized form.In addition, they use a marking system in nearby forests.Before the trees are strong enough to support the bee hives, a marking method is used to place a tree sapling near a village or settlement.
The villagers choose large, sturdy tree saplings, mark them all, and count them.They begin to use it once they have grown and are ready to hang beehives.Bees will remain in the area if there are a variety of flowering plants available, so it is essential to protect and maintain all the biodiversity found in and around these trees.The first-see, first-served principle of this system is what I find most intriguing.The first person to spot these tree saplings will be the first user, and s/ he will have access to a variety of trees throughout the community for hanging.Besides, the trees might be transferred to another member of the community if prior users transfer their settlements to a far-off location.
Discussants have identified and stated that three types of disputes might arise between two border kobbo owners in the Kobbo forestry site in the local community.
(1) Due to lack of knowledge (un-intentional), if a tree falls while preparing a beehive near the border of one's Kobbo and it falls on the Kobbo tree next to it and damages the other one; the beehive prepared for him will be divided into two.He warned him not to do it again.If he crosses the border and prepares a beehive from another's tree, the whole beehive will be taken, he will confess his fault and ask for forgiveness and the matter will be resolved.
(2) Intentional, he will be punished; he will return the whole hive.
(3) If he cut down a tree that was used as a boundary marker for the two owners of Kobbo property, the clan leader was asked why he did it.He apologized and said that he did not want to push the boundaries, but that he could not identify the tree, and they shared the beehive he had prepared for himself.Thus, he would have to protect and grow the same type of tree to replace it.
This was similar to the cultural accountability of Talaandig people of the Philippines; for them, forests as a source of life are determined through the idea of cultural accounting.Cultural accounting is a simple process of enumerating or conducting an inventory of cultural elements, resources and values based on the Talaandig framework of knowledge called "Agpangan, meaning, frame or structure.Through cultural accounting, the Talaandig people can account for the elements of the earth, the physical structure of the human body, the house, the family, the community, and the tribe that are generally affected by human intervention (Saway, 2004).
The same is true for shekachoo people; the promotion of cultural and environmental awareness depends on local cultural responsibility and accountability, saying no-gorro (our culture).No-gorro implies for the entire and inclusive term of culture.In no-gorro, indigenous knowledge of forest management has been attached to the whole way of life of the community, which is, protecting and managing natural resources (forest).It is crucial to determine how they respect the creator of nature (God), how they follow the rules and principles of cultural/clan/leader called gepittatoo; it shows how they live in harmony not only with neighbors but also with nature.
Therefore, the forest is their most valuable natural resource, and defending it from harm means defending both their way of life and the hopes of future generations.However, at the moment, the community's culture and identity have been influenced by external forces and pressures.Thus, communities are now in need of cultural accountability, which is the most crucial requirement for and used to assist responsible leadership within the realm of influence of the local population (Roba & Lu, 2021).
According to FGD-3 (discussion with women and youths selected from all districts of the study site).The groups didn't able to reach at one common definition but majority (about 75 %) have defined it as follows; "kobo is indigenous forest management system which focuses on obtaining economic benefit through applying indigenous customary knowledge.And, it is fully controlled by clan leaders and community elders." During the discussion, majority of them responded that they would not know where the forest area was found and how the kobo system functions, not only now, even in the past.This shows that, like forest resources, kobo indigenous forest management practices are on track of vanishing.
As respondents in FDG-3, clan leaders are solely responsible for all duties and benefit-sharing (gepitatoo).They believe that God has assigned them as the sole protector of natural resource.For the vast majority of us, Kobbo consists entirely of a UNESCO designated natural forest area.We do not even know where it was found or the associated practices.Even the NGOs that were found in Masha district/woreda/think that if they support clan leaders, clan leaders will regulate and manage this forest through taboo.They are over-ambitious because they do not ask themselves what will do if these clan leaders passed away.Therefore, the problem arises here, and they would have to think about not only the sustainability of forest but also for the sustainability of this indigenous knowledge.We should all have a shared awareness of the importance of benefit sharing and information dissemination in order to effectively manage and maintain this irreplaceable resource.
FGD-4 (with all office workers, clan leaders, elders, and all concerned), and this discussion was held in Masha (district capital).Most, if not all, of the local communities have their own kobbo that governs by local culture.However, when disagreements ocuured around the forest/Kobbo/, it is the cultural leader/gepi'tatoo/who solves the problems and manages everything.
For instance, Kobbo passed down from father or grandfather to his son.Father/grandfather will show the border Kobbo to his son by saying 'in the east with that big tree and west with rivers etc.".If the father suddenly dies without showing, the child goes to the clan leader and says that he is the son of Mr. X.After that, the investigation is done by talking to the clan leader and the elderly people of the area.And, they will send a reliable messenger to collect information.If this information is true, the clan leader will go to Kobbo with the elders of the local community, and it will be passed on to the son of deceased.This system of regaining Kobbo is called "qitti wodi"regaining ownership of Kobbo.Another system was Abatatti: if the deceased one, who was owner of kobbo, had no children.Clan leader and elder of the community will discuss the issue, what should we do?They say Donni ekattis embinne', then it will be passed to a man with a good character.
They responded that if an individual destroyed Kobbo, that is, throws down large trees, growing trees, steals a beehive containing honey, and destroys it by shouting, and if he does not return after being advised and brought under control, then the people around him who have Kobbo and the clan leader will reclaim ownership of Kobbo by saying: "eajjo biuyigga; bikashagga noo t'ishoo de'achononnee; maremmi chorottos nokishhoo gijachononee" the older people give their word.The meaning of this is "If some one goes to kobbo forest, and something happen on him, we do not know the end of his soul and flesh.we are not responsible' If a dying tree seed is growing in the forest, the father talks with the child and says to him: "tanamochoo hanni mitte beqatina".haveyou see the sapling Boy "Eyee"/yes Father "Nenihotibee fushibebee"/please protect it from harm Child argues "Tanihoo fushibee dichitti mittonee", ok" and the son accepts.
the Shekachoo people say that 'In this forest, where we talk with both living things and non-living, and, we have a unique way of interaction with one another'.Example; when "fonno" shout in the sight of the river, the lower part of the river "derro" is silent.Of the two, the deeper and lower parts of the river (derro) have power, but remain silent.They also understood the importance of being calm, patient, and listening.If the frog does not croak, they know that drought will happen, and they realize that they have to plant a tree soon; they will plant.Someone from the community wants to defecate while walking, and if he is in the forest/kobbo/area, they use the sound and movement of birds as a sign.
If she makes a rustling noise, it is the signal that there is some kind of beast. .., and he will avoid untying the chain.The bird shouts like Yiss, yisse, it indicates that there is someone else who has entered the forest/Kobbo/, be careful.If she leaves this and flies away, you are the first person to dig a hole and rest.There is also a proverbial speech around this: kaffe kotonni asho beqiyee; wuddo kottonii/shekki mac'o kotonni,oggo kottonii kobulli dachachee' means "One sees a bird's perch or nest-no one finds the urinal of an adult or a household head." Most community units in Kobbo are managed by households.The eldest son of the house goes with his father in different seasons and separates the boundaries; he knows the Kobbo management system; and he also gets to know the clan leader.Currently, the Kobbo forest management system is considered backward by most young communities, so they have very little motivation to understand and maintain this knowledge.
The edible plant types found in Kobbo are techikawoo, opichoroo, qoto, dengasi gasho, gaboo, earmichoo, garoo, machi-butto, earoo, dengasii yachoo, yoshee afoo.Achiibanoo for medicine: Eye pain Kusinoo: For blindness (for trachoma) Tojjee afoo: If a cow gives birth and remains in the womb Yeboo (palm tree): The trunk was cut and the leaves were made and dried.The fruit is used as food.This is the benefit of the forest protected by the Kobbo system for the local community.In general, it makes a great contribution to the people of the world in terms of clean air.
A common saying about natural resources (forest) in the community: "ashi churoo neshimo/ eyosse, achee churoo c'chosse"; the human originate from an uncle and, the water was originated from the swamp.It focuses on the protection of forests and water bodies.In kobbo indigenous forest management practices, if there is a tree that is dying, the owner will go to another place for work or just for that purpose and he will pull that the seedling/sapling from its root and bring it to Kobbo and plant it.If some ones Kobbo was criticized by the community for its poor quality, so to avoid losing the benefits of the forest; he works to plant different types of trees.
According to KI-F and FGD (1-4), women have had kobbo and a tree around the village, but they will use experienced men for beehive preparation and hanging.She prepares a ceremony within her home locally called daffo or debbo in Amharic.So, those selected and experienced men in beehive preparation and hanging will do all work for her.During the collection of honey in April and May (honey collection season for Shekacho people), she will prepare a similar ceremony; they will complete all duties for her.
The problems facing the dense forest or Kobbo forest management system, especially in relation to the Shatto dense forest region, are largely coffee and tea investments.According to the local elders KI-G, response, we found it very unfortunate that "dojiqii boshatee miche'e emiyatanonee" means "it was given without doing any prior studies like (EIA)."Destroying Pouteria adolfi-friedericii /Qararo/shao'o/and planting coffee, is it better to kill Ocotea Kenyasis/getema/manjoo and plant tea leaves?Alternatively, will the benefit be reflected?with the benefits of Getema/Manjoo/-Ocotea Kenyasis; So that the bees uses flower to prepares honey; Let us breathe good air; So that we can have clean water, the soil does not erode; The other roots are used for medicine.Our forests lived in harmony with us and were used as food, shelter, medicine, water, and clean air.Therefore, they provide all benefits to mankind.Benefits of Tea Plantation/investments/is a source of income for the area and foreign exchange for the country. . .only one benefit (that is all).it was incomparable with the benefit of our natural resource (forest).
Due to the unrestricted and unwarranted expansion of the investment, the Shato kobbo site/core area/ is in danger of being fully cleared out.If this forest is lost, the generation will also be lost.Currently, we are highly engaged in the planting of new non-native tree species, such as Eucalyptus and Gravilia, which are now being planted and spread in the area.If this continues, it is true that it will be an environment where no one lives.
Tea and coffee are planted in the shade of large trees.Smaller saplings growing to replace larger trees have disappeared.They say that "ogga mitto eaniyee, genayee, eshanoo kisiyee dihiyee".Hanni yeshoo degossi girro giyiyee aligaa delawaa mo'oo giyiee hetto biyeroo dogiyee; mullaa falee yeshoo bilashayee hetonee.Eshii hetto wottaa nonaa faliyatii falonoshisse yeshoo dogiyee hetonee.Hanii dogoyee noshichii doggo doeyee.So, translated as, "እንጨት እንደ ሰዉ ልጅ ያድጋል ጽም ያመጣል፤ ያረጃል፤ ይወድቃል ወይም ይሞታል፤ ይህንን ዑደት ካልተከተለ ማለትም በመሃሉ ተቋርጦ በልላ ከተተካ ሙሉ ስርዓቱ ይበላሻል፤ እኛና ተፈጥሮ ግንኙነት ከምጠፋ እኛ ቀድመን ብንጠፋ ይሻላል" "A tree matures, ages, and eventually dies, just like a human.The entire system will fail if this cycle is not continued/ if it is interrupted in the midst/ and replaced by another.If we lose our connection to nature, it is best for us if we sall die first."They said that, what we do now after all our forests was destroyed, and our interests and feelings were considered irrelevant.They express their sorrow and thoughts in the following phrases: "Gundatii qayossi fidee hechoonaa genoyissii qefoo kusonoo elaa amotiyee" means translated in Amharic as "የመፋቅያ ጊዜ ላለፈ እንሰት ፍግ ወይም ማዳበሪያ ማድረግ እና ለሽማግሌ ቅቤ ጭንቅላቱ ላይ ማድረግ ምን ልጠቅም?"What is the benefit of putting manure or compost on enset (ensete ventricosum welw) during the period of scrubbing and butter on an old man's head?' Generally, according to the FGD response, the above phrases tell us that because of plantations "the tree will fall and the seed will perish."'Grass is grown inside tea or coffee will be cleared every 3 months and a growing tree species under the shade of large old tree will cut out and all germination process will be stopped.Let yesterday's myth of investing have limits and boundaries: Let us wait for the rest, so that the next generation is not lost.
According to the responses of all informants, kobbo, Deddo and Guuddo are forest protection systems that are carried out together in our natural grace (forest).Deddo; is a place of forest management and worship that is protected and practiced in a small place in a residential area and is also considered a breeding ground.It is also a system to protect the local ecosystem by fencing a large tree near the neighborhood.It has two benefits; it can be considered that it is a nursery where natural resources/trees/ lost and decaying tree seeds are found and propagated through birds.Example: Birds come and spend the night in the trees around Deddo.They then moved to different areas, ate the fruits, and sauce while spending the night on a nearby big tree.Seedling starts to grow from that and a tree grows.Because no touching is allowed in Deddo, the local community, mainly the clan leader, takes these seeds and plants them in Kobbo after they grow.This seed may be a new plant or lost tree seed.Deddo is also a place where prayer is performed to (shimaye-tatoo) protect the environment and society from destruction.
Guuddo: rock that is mostly found in the central part of Kobbo in dense forests and mountainous areas, and also found in cultural forest.Discussant and informant said that "Just as when we give birth to a child, we wash the body and wear clothes.In the same manner, we will live in dignity by dressing and protecting the dense forest (guuddo).This demonstrates the close relationship between God, natural resources, and society." Generally FGD (1-4) concludes their discussion by forwarding the following concluding remarks: The government's attention is solely on boosting large-scale agri-investment to generate income or foreign currency and ignores the negative repercussions of deforestation.Thus, the primary option is large-scale agricultural investments.Without conducting a preliminary environmental and community assessment, dense forest areas controlled by the Kobbo system were made available for large-scale agri-investments.
Higher education institutions have no motive to explore and support indigenous knowledge, which is ascribed to the community's management of its natural resources and the system of transfer of knowledge from generation to generation.
Nonetheless, NGOs such as MELKA were instrumental in designating the forest as a UNESCO-MAB.Aerial footage (Google Earth) was used to create the forest canopy.This has created a conducive atmosphere for huge investments to freely enter the forest's core area.In addition, despite the fact that more than four different Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) allotted funds and worked to protect the forest, their efforts paled in comparison to the greater level of destruction occurring in the Shato core area.
Despite the fact that non-governmental organization' efforts to organize society and save the forest from further destruction have a positive aspect, only delegating responsibility to the socalled community groups particularly the clan/cultural/leaders-leads to the formation of community units.This creates a conflict of interest in society.In the meantime, investors and society alike continue to ruthlessly clear pearl forests.

Significance of Kobbo forest management practice
The value of local and indigenous cultures is as significant as that of the forests.Culture not only provides identity to people.It also enables people to survive for generations under adverse conditions and circumstances.The value of a forest is determined by its ability to promote people's survival.Through these relationships, values were developed, making local cultures and forests equally and mutually significant.

Case 1
Mr. Nofalooqoto'o (Pseudonyms given to informant) is a farmer living in Masha woreda, Beto kebele, which is boarder of Shato core area.Explaining the significance of local culture (indigenous knowledge) in relation to forest management practices, he stated the following: I have kobbo near Baro River, passed from my father, and I am conserving kobbo forest and big trees in and around my settlement because I know it is a source of fresh honey, medicine, water, shelter, and above all fresh air that we breathe.Moreover, it attracts rain so that a good harvest can be obtained.Leaves falling from trees were used as fertilizers.However, nowadays, we can observe that this dense forest, which was managed by us for generations, was destroyed, and large trees were cut down by individuals.I do not cut down big trees unless they are for beehive making (natural replacement mechanisms).I primarily utilize tree branches to construct farming equipment, because doing so allows me to use one tree for many years.Our culture views large trees as representations of aging people, and cutting them down for no legitimate reason is viewed as a murder.
As one can understand from the above narration, massive natural forests have never been carelessly destroyed and large trees are never cut down.Because of their ability to draw in rain and the cultural values tied to them, germination and propagation processes took place inside the tree, resulting in seedlings and saplings.Therefore, every action should be taken cautiously to prevent harm to forests or large trees.

Knowledge continuity and sustainable forest management
Knowledge erosion is a threat as it becomes difficult to conserve what we do not know.Hence, option values decline if the probability of finding a resource useful in the current generation is lower because of the loss of knowledge about the resource (Eyong, 2007).Natural forests and indigenous knowledge are highly intertwined in Shekachoo culture.The following case study supports this statement.

Case 2
Mr. ekkati'ii (pseudonyms given to informant) is a clan head and farmer living in Masha woreda, Wolo kebele, Wolo Kala sub-village, which is a border of Shato core area and East African tea plantation investment.He narrated the challenges faced during IK transfer and its future fortunes.
"I have kobbo since 10 years ago and this customary forest was passed from my fore-father.When I am young enough, my father and I have visited this site.During that time, he was shown to me all the borders, which were marked by rivers, long-standing huge trees, and valleys, and he told me the name those kobbo owners bordering with us.Three months later, I, my father, and some other friends met together, arranged our schedule when we will go kobo, and collected and organized the necessary equipment.Then, we had gone to kobo and stayed there for 10 consecutive days.During that time, my father had shown me every activity practiced in kobbo.He was told to follow us attentively and never forget to show to your coming children.
The first task was to choose the exact site to build a temporary home (helps with food preparation and sleep).They consider the following issues: when preparing a place to stay, they pay attention to the following issues: First, the place must be far from dense forest and huge trees, and it is close to a spring; is located in the average distance or middle of the forest/Kobbo/site; and the landscape of the temporary shelter site is level and away from the swampy area.This temporary shelter is also used as a place to prepare new hives for the coming harvest season, to dry them, to store the honey that has been cut from the tree, and to repair broken ones.
After the aforementioned task is completed, the materials needed for the preparation of the hive, such as tools, sticks, axes, and similar sharp tools, are heated and sharpened.This prevents the transmission of diseases in plants.This is also because iron becomes sharper if it melts during a fire.Next, trees were selected to prepare the hive will take place.This will be done by going around the forest region (kobbo) owned by my father.During this period, they pay great attention to the following issues: the tree must be abundant in the area or around it; there should be many trees that have the same height.This tree must have grown separately to avoid destroying the species that grow and reach its roots.This tree must not be intermingled with other trees in the area by climbers or branches, because when trees are felling, care is taken not to destroy other tree species or additional biodiversity.The hive was prepared after laying.When the preparation of hives is completed, if there is a big tree nearby, it will be stored under the shade of this tree; otherwise, after a few days, it is transported to a temporary shelter.At this time, even though the felling trees are many in number and cover a large area of forest, there is a need to replace them, so they will be replaced separately or in the local language, referred to as Wurri Dichoo/easiwoo/geddo/.Besides the activities described above, the advice, experiences, stories, and mock arguments heard from the clan heads and elderly people who went with us at night are very memorable and amazing to me.Most of the advice helped me overcome the challenges of life.My father has done a great job for me to know and understand each procedure and system of kobo forest management practices described above.
But when I tried to pass on my knowledge of indigenous forest management and conservation to my son, two things created problems for me.In which natural forest/kobo/site is this knowledge practically learned?The part of the forest that my grandfather and greatgrandfather have been using for Kobbo for centuries has either been given to investment, deforested, or has been converted to another land use system for the same reason.Second, in view of the current social and economic impact, he sees this previous knowledge and system of forest protection as backward and useless at the present time.So, both this knowledge and natural forest found in treat and our voice must have to be listened too." The isolation of the local and indigenous peoples and associated knowledge from the forests is a critical step towards destruction, not only of their cultural identity but also the destruction of the forests itself.In Shato core area of Sheka Biosphere Reserve, the destruction of forests resulted from foreign concepts of resource utilization and management.In the initial stage, "high valued" cash crops that are entirely dependent on synthetic fertilizers and chemicals were introduced to degrade the lands and pollute the waterways, rendering them unsuitable for the local crops.Village residents, especially young people without jobs, begin destroying forests and have built settlements around significant investment sites.This investment-induced large-scale deforestation created a divorce between local cultures, locally called Kobbo (indigenous knowledge of forest management), and forests.

Discussion
Natural resources, particularly forest areas, are given special cultural significance and value in Shekachoo culture, and they have an integral function in communal life.However, even separation is impossible.Forest resources in the study area were divided into two categories: cultural and community forests (Shoddo, 2020;Woldemariam & Fetene, 2007).Forest areas preserved by people as sacred natural sites such as deddo and guddo, that is, managed by clan leaders with strict prohibition of using them (taboo), are cultural forests.The forest areas managed through Kobbo indigenous forest management and conservation practices are community forests.In the kobo forestry area, members of the community have access to forests by following indigenous regulations designed by clan leaders and community elders.
The management and use of indigenous knowledge of forest resource management is greatly influenced by social institutions, according to similar studies (Camacho et al., 2016;Carson et al., 2018) and, In Ethiopia (Bedada, 2021;Girma & Beyene, 2012;Roba & Lu, 2021;Tesfaye & Bezabih, 2017).Customary law and oral declaration are derived from indigenous knowledge of safeguarding and handling natural resources, and they primarily serve a multitude of functions in many societies around the world.The sacred sites of the study area are mostly protected by means of oral declarations and customary laws.For instance, customary law serves functions such as resolving disputes, protecting natural resources, and allocating land and water resources in many social settings (Bayeh, 2015;Cuskelly, 2011;Verschuuren et al., 2010) The study also found that awareness of and compliance with traditional norms and practices were associated more with older village residents than with younger generations.The intergenerational erosion of forest-related traditional knowledge has been revealed in both studies (Parrotta et al., 2016;Siahaya et al., 2016).They also highlighted the need for greater emphasis on both the conservation of traditional knowledge and the appropriate adaptation of traditional practices to meet the changing livelihood needs of the younger generation without losing the multiple ecosystem service benefits that traditional practices have typically yielded.
The fact that cultural values currently play a limited role in SFM indicates the scant consideration given to the roles of culture and history (Agnoletti & Santoro, 2015).It has significant ramifications to acknowledge that local and indigenous people have their own ecological understanding, conservation strategies, and corporate resource plans.This alters how biodiversity managers and local communities interact with each other.While previously perceived as resource users, indigenous people are now recognized as essential partners in environmental management.
The sustainable development goal is a more accurate interpretation of the sustainability goal, and the unsustainable quest of ever-increasing wealth accumulation at the expense of nature endangers the planet (Taylor, 2008).Nonetheless, the common belief that science is superior to other knowledge systems continues to put obstacles to fruitful collaboration.These obstacles include disparities between scientific and indigenous worldviews (Mazzocchi, 2020).
According to the FGD and KI-G response, the sociocultural link between indigenes and natural resources is split by the cash crop investment boom in Sheka zone, and in and around Shato area in particular.The notion of economic growth has brought astonishing capital accumulation in the study area, but it is also a story of natural and cultural capital eroding beneath swift currents of change.Youths in and around the study area now prefer to directly benefit from available resources because of the current economic and social crises (think of earning money in cash).Consequently, they believe that investment and the opportunities it offers satisfy their interests.
Cultural diversity has been lost because of all causes of biodiversity loss.Despite this, policymakers continue to view the loss of biodiversity as an issue different from that of cultural diversity.However, in recent decades, both have declined at a shocking rate, giving way to monocultures of the land, the people, and thought.Changes in consumption habits are typical causes of this deterioration (Pretty et al., 2009), the globalization of food systems (Ericksen, 2008), and the commodification of natural resources (Kopnina, 2017).
A common saying about natural resources (forest) in the community of study area: "ashi churoo neshimo/eyosse, achee churoo c'chosse"; translated as; the human origin is from an uncle; water originates from the swamp area or wetland.It expresses dipper attention and its relationship to nature.
This study focuses on the potential insights that indigenous knowledge may offer by examining the guiding principles governing indigenous relationships with nature, such as reciprocity and caretaking (Mazzocchi, 2020).Moreover, it supports the notion that many cultures and their unique knowledge systems contribute to sustainability issues.The researcher challenge materialist worldview (Foster, 2000;Merchant, 2013), which split nature into inert pieces of matter, was urged to take the place of the premodern organismic worldview, which saw nature as nurturing (like a mother) and deserving of our care.And, considering nature as a mere object of exploitation and a source of potential commodities (Haila, 2000).
In Shekachoo people's culture and worldview, nurture and nature realm do not constitute separate domains (dichotomy); instead, they are experienced as a sense of solidarity and connection.The relationship between humans and nature is frequently portrayed as symbiotic and based on interdependence: indigenous people derive their subsistence and autonomy from the natural environment while also contributing to its conservation.This was supported by the community elder Mr. N saying, 'A tree matures, ages, and eventually dies, just like a human.The entire system will fail if this cycle is not continued, that is, if it is interrupted in the midst and replaced by another.If we lose our connection to nature, it is best for us if we end life first." In addition, investment-induced large-scale deforestation created divorce between local cultures locally called Kobbo (indigenous knowledge of forest management) and forests.Hence, protected areas were introduced under the premise of forest protection, preservation, and development to safeguard commercial interests and serve as manipulative tools.
In addition to being essential for the Shekachoo people's existence as people, the Shekachoo people's claim over the Sheka Biosphere Reserve as a valid realm of their forest management is also crucial for the endeavor to conserve the forests as a source of life.Thus, the isolation of the local community from the forests through the manipulative efforts of protected area managers is critical and dangerous to both the local people and the forests.These efforts not only contradict the requirements for the active participation of the local people towards sustainable forest management, but in the real sense, the annihilation of the life of the forests.
Thus, the issues of sustainable development are now doubtful as a result of the commodification of nature and the one-way relationship between humans and the environment, and it is necessary to critically evaluate the entire family of ideas and strategies centered on the dominant conception of sustainability.

Conclusion
Despite more modern influences, Shakachoos has their own long-standing social organizations that have an effect on natural resources.Traditional social systems serve as the foundation for the structured organization of social systems in resource management.The Sheka people's traditional social organization consists of the king (Shekitato), councils (mikiracho), and clan chiefs (gepitato).Clan leaders are the most significant traditional positions among the Shekachoos that one can acquire.
The Shekachoo people have a strong connection to their environment and extensive ecological knowledge.For them, the forest provides everything: the food they eat, the clothing they wear, the water they drink, the medication they use when they are sick, the home they live in, the fresh, pure air they breathe, etc.They believed that without forests, there would not be enough food, honey production, housing, shade, or water for both humans and livestock.Shekachoo has detailed knowledge of the ecological benefits of trees or forests.
The Shekachoo people's resource management practices are based on their indigenous ecological knowledge, which has been greatly affected by their social structure, religious beliefs, and worldviews.The crucial natural resources that communities use to maintain their ecological knowledge are forests, wetlands, rivers, and waterfalls.Clan leaders are engaged in a variety of social, cultural (religious), and economic activities that are closely linked to resource management and the community's ability to survive.Thus, due to the dwindling control of clan leaders over the management of forests and other resources, environmental degradation has become exacerbated.
In the Sheka area, everyone has their own Kobbo in the forest region managed by the clan and clan leaders.They manage it by identifying it using river or tree symbols.Kobbo is managed in accordance with customary rules that specify landowners' rights and duties of landowners (kobbo).A "kobbo" is hence a portion of one's own, inherited "forestland" that is mostly used for collecting honey and other NTFP.Two primary questions were raised regarding the challenges of Kobbo IK forest management practices and the sustainable use of forests in the study area.Where should I practice then?The Kobbo IK system has been used for several generations to conserve and manage forests.For the same reason, these areas have been transferred to investors, deforested, or converted to other land use systems.Who will answer the second question?Youths in and around the study area now prefer to directly benefit from available resources because of the current economic and social crises (think of earning money in cash).Consequently, they believe that investment and the opportunities it offers satisfy their interests.Most did not understand the long-term effects of investments, while others deliberately chose to remain ignorant.They believe that this IK and the practice of forest protection are currently outdated and ineffective.

Recommendation
Indigenous knowledge is eroded due to a lack of government support, youth undervaluing it and viewing it as primitive, a lack of experience sharing between communities, and a lack of attention from all stakeholders to indigenous knowledge.Natural resource conservation and poverty reduction initiatives can be made sustainable in local community development and their empowerment techniques in a good way through local community knowledge utilization and appreciation, decentralization of engagement approach, capacity building, and efficient and effective participation mechanisms that provide equal engagement, support, decision-making, and awareness creation.
Forest management is both affordable and successful when the connections between local cultures and forests are acknowledged.Because culture is a way of life, and by its very nature flows from its source, doing so does not take much time, effort, or money.Local and indigenous cultures depend on the forests for their survival, so if the forest perishes, then so will the people's cultures, and vice versa.
As these abilities and accompanying knowledge are essential for survival, it is imperative for the elderly to pass them down to the next generation.It is crucial to enhance intergenerational transmission of indigenous knowledge as an adjunct to formal education.Attempts should be made to include indigenous knowledge in school curricula and bring learning back into the community to reaffirm the status of elders as knowledge holders.
The strength of our study design was the exploration of indigenous knowledge of Sheka people and forest management practices through integrated ethnographic data collection tools.Our study included a limited geographical range, as it was confined to only one core area (Shato core area Sheka biosphere Reserve).Although saturation of themes was reached in the data obtained, differences in perspectives between participants and other core area forest-dependent populations in biosphere reserves would need to be explored more fully before generalizing the results reported herein.

Acknowledgment
With gratitude, the writers would like to thank the Sheka community elders and the clan leader (gepitatto) for sharing their indigenous knowledge of forest management and current issues facing these techniques.The whole staffs of the Sheka Zone Finance and Economic Development Department, the Sheka Zone Environment Protection and Climate Change Department, and MELKA Ethiopia Masha branch.The study accurately and thoroughly presents the writers' own investigation and analysis.The study's goals and subsequent publication of the data collected were explained to the interview subjects, and they received assurances that the identities of the informants would remain confidential.

Informed consent
Oral informed consent was obtained to record audio from each participant, all of whom were recruited based on their level of interest.As stated in the consent form, audio recordings were made anonymously and were used only for research.The participants had the complete freedom to select the location and timing of their interviews.As a result, the data collection procedure was carried out in the participants' homes so that they would feel comfortable sharing their ideas and bringing up any difficulties.The anonymization of all the data gathered during analysis and reporting, as well as the confidentiality of all the information submitted by the participants, was assured.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.Map of the study area.