The premise of a participatory management of urban space. Neighborhood associations: Commitment, militancy and challenge the case of the city of Batna, Algeria

Abstract From the 1990s, urban policy in Algeria underwent significant upheavals, including authoritarian management, which was replaced by participatory management. Following the example of Algerian cities, the city of Batna adheres with this new vision, hence the implementation of a partnership program that involves various stakeholders including the citizen. The latter is present within multiple associations. The objective of this work is to highlight the activism of neighborhood associations as a representative element of civil society and their determining role in the management of different situations. To report on this issue, a field survey was conducted in the form of semi-directive interviews addressed to the three local actors: associations, citizens and elected officials.


Introduction
As humanity realizes that we live in a world of finite resources, all efforts are directed towards finding a way to reconcile economic growth and market development with ecological and social Ammar Saidani ABOUT THE AUTHORS Saidani Ammar, (M.Phil) in architecture from Bath University (GB). He is currently a Doctoral student and lecturer at the University of Batna 1, Algeria. His research topics are sustainable development and urban management. ammar_saidani@yahoo.com Kalla Mahdi, doctorate from the University of Paris 7 (Geography). Currently, university professor, Laboratory of Natural Risks and Land Management, University of Batna 2, Algeria.m_kalla1@yahoo.fr Bendib Karima, Doctorate in Architecture. Currently, she is a lecturer at the University of Batna 1, Algeria. Her research topics are the appropriation of urban space.bendib_karima@yahoo.fr concerns. From now on, sustainable development becomes the leading concept in the application of the principle "think global, act local". Agenda 21 attests, among other things, that it is difficult, if not impossible, to govern without taking into account the social demands that arise in cities and without involving citizens and local associations in projects that concern them. Like other countries, the 1990s inaugurated a new period of urban management and development in Algeria. The expression "sustainable development" has been constantly invited into the discursive and institutional fields. "It has become a key word in the academic sphere, in the world of associations, and even among some Algerian entrepreneurs. This formula is considered as much a high point of national governance as an indispensable asset for the prestige of Algeria on the international scene" (Karim Tedjani Octobre, 2021, p. 5).
It is to say all the credit that the Algerian State must carry to this concept. In search of adhering to this new strategy, Algeria has announced since the years 2000 a new environmental dynamics conceived and elaborated according to a concerted and coordinated process. It is implemented within the framework of deconcentration, decentralization and local urban management. It is the implementation of supports and processes intended to involve the citizen directly or through the associative movement in the management of programs and actions that concern for his living environment (Boulaouche, 2009). Associations, with different vocations, are one of the manifestations of participatory democracy and good governance (Messaoudene & Messaoudi, 2016).
This article focuses on neighborhood associations that are working to deal with the daily discomfort experienced by residents, thus aspiring to improve their living conditions. Questioning their roles and degree of influence in the management of their neighborhoods. We hope to lift the veil on this issue, especially in the city of Batna which will constitute the field of study on which our investigations will focus.

Objectives and methods of approach
Our research topic is part of the register of socio-urban studies that concern the emergence as well as the impact of participatory management on urban space in Algeria. Since the 1990s, research on urban issues has been moving timidly and gradually into new thematic fields, including those concerning the role of local actors: associations, citizens, elected officials, etc. (Babadji, 1989;Toussaint, 1998;Carmen, 2000;Bendjelid et al., 2004;Boumaza et al., 2006;Naceur, 2010;Messaoudene & Messaoudi, 2016;Bendib, 2020).
Urban policy has promising ambitions regarding the importance of participatory management in the development of the neighborhood and the city. (Brodach & Goffi, 2005). By drafting laws that emphasize the need for partnership between the various local actors, the Algerian state aims to remedy the dysfunctions that affect the urban space, in all its dimensions. Like Algerian cities, the city of Batna has also adopted this new strategy by encouraging citizen participation in the management of programs and actions relating to its living environment. In this context, the associations constitute a decisive negotiator that militates to contribute to the management of the public life of the neighborhood.
The objective of this article is to highlight the role of neighborhood associations. In spite of the conflicting climate in which they often work, namely the disinterest of the inhabitants and the ignorance of the public authorities, these associations do not hesitate to militate in order to gain the confidence of the former and encourage the intervention of the latter.
The reality as it is lived in the city of Batna reveals problematic situations that deserve to be questioned. Indeed, the application of decisions of local authorities is sometimes faced with a refusal from the inhabitants. By joining forces with the representatives of associations, civil society has become a determining factor in everything that affects the improvement of its living environment. Hence our question: As a representative element of civil society, what is the role of neighborhood associations in managing different situations? What is their degree of influence? In other words, what are the impact and effectiveness of their actions in the urban space?
By viewing examples of "confrontation" between associations and planners, this paper reveals the preponderant contribution of the actions carried out by associations which use all means, even informal ones, to win their case.
Our work is based on the exploitation of several sources of data: situational observations drawn from daily life, statistical data from the Ministry of the Interior as well as the PCA (People's Communal Assembly) of Batna and the DRGA service (Directorate of Regulation and General Affairs) of the Wilaya of Batna. Semi-directive interviews were also conducted, during the first half of 2021, with three separate stakeholders, namely residents, local elected officials and leaders of neighborhood associations.
As the work concerns the entire city of Batna, the choice of study districts was made according to the following steps: First of all, from the PCA, we have obtained the membership of the city's associations to relieve the neighborhood associations, their locations as well as the contact information of their presidents. Then we contacted them to get an idea of who we could talk to and especially who could be beneficial to us if they agreed to collaborate. Finally, we were able to choose the relatively active associations whose collective actions are perceptible at the level of their neighborhood.
Among the 40 neighborhood associations that operate in the city, we chose 15 whose field of action seemed to us quite relevant in the sense that their interference with local authorities is known, testifying to apparent discontent. However, they are above all indicative of a reaction that goes as far as confrontation or even direct clash with the public authorities. Distributed consecutively over 15 housing districts, the most active associations are those concerning collective housing. This can be explained by the problems due to social promiscuity and the difficulty of managing common areas. Nevertheless, among the 15 chosen, 4 concern individual housing. The choice of these associations was made with regard to their demands, which, from a practical point of view, are similar to those of collective housing on various points. Once the associations are chosen, the interviews will automatically involve the residents of the neighborhood in question.
Concerning the interviewees, it should be noted that this is not a selection, but rather an approach that depends on adequate circumstances, i.e. availability, ability to communicate, etc. It is aimed at any individual who is able and willing to answer our questions. As for the local elected officials , 1 we were able to meet with 05 of them because the others refused to communicate.

Urban policy in Algeria, from centralisation to decentralisation
Until the early 1970s, the major public policy concern was the management of vacant property. According to Semmoud and Aït-Amirat (2009), the real estate stock left by Europeans was largely sufficient, urban planning and management were, at the time, the object of only a small production of texts.
Urban policy in Algeria will be marked by a major turning point with the promulgation in 1974 of the ordinance establishing communal land reserves (CLR 2 ). All the urban planning instruments of the time, the Master Urban Plan (MUP) and the Provisional Urbanization Perimeter (PUP), were introduced with the promulgation of this ordinance. According to Safar-Zitoun (2009), this latter was seen as the crowning achievement of a legal and institutional edifice built around a «socialist» conception of social and economic development and authoritarian intervention by the state.
The late 1970s was marked by the questioning of the state-run, planned economy political system. The emergence of the milestones of an a posteriori justified liberalization was made acceptable by the oil counter-shock of the mid-1980s. (Semmoud & Aït-Amirat, 2009). During this period, Algeria was faced with a worrying economic crisis, which led to problems of urban management and unemployment, the quality of the built environment and the living conditions of the populations as well as the degradation of urban spaces and the deterioration of the environment.
October 1988, the latent discontent among the population broke out and Algeria experienced the most serious troubles since its independence. These events will mark the end of the era of state monopoly. According to Gillot (2005), "The strategy adopted by the state at that time was more indicative and prescriptive than directly active. It shows the preparation of the country's integration into the world economy and its transition to capitalism". This institutional change will form the basis of all existing planning, urban planning and land-use planning instruments (Bendjelid et al., 2004;Toussaint, 1998). Henceforth, a new path opened up for the country's future heralding a milestone in its history and promising greater liberal openness. "From the welfare state to the liberal state, a new vocabulary relating to the notion of metropolization of cities, forces politicians and planners to comply" (Bekkouche, 2014).
Deep constitutional reforms were then adopted. They led to the establishment of a democratic transition based on the 1989 constitution, amended in 1996, which opened up the political scene by allowing pluralism . 3 It is in these circumstances that the law on land orientation (Law 90-25) was adopted only one year after the promulgation of the 1989 constitution. According to Safar-Zitoun (2009), all the urban planning and land use instruments in force stem from this new liberal orientation of state action.
The 2000s will be marked by the promulgation of new laws and regulations relating to the environment, sustainable development, good governance . . . , notably the City Policy Act (Law 06-06), which covers a range of choices, involving different aspects: urban, social, management and others . . .
The policy of the city advocates good governance: an urban governance that calls for coordination and consultation between the different actors of the city including the citizen. The latter's participation in the management of its affairs at the level of local authorities is enshrined in the constitution, Article 15 of which stipulates that: "The institutions aim to ensure equality in the rights and duties of all citizens by removing the obstacles that hinder the development of the human person and prevent the effective participation of all in political, economic, Social and Cultural life". This citizen contribution is made directly or through the residents' associations or through their local representatives at the PCA and PAW (People's Assembly of the Wilaya) levels.

Social pressures and proliferation of the associative movement in Algeria
According to Derras (2007), the concept of associative movement expresses a strong conscious and organized mobilization of social groups that militate for specific demands towards the state, in order to achieve social transformations and influences. It would be partially wrong to present the associative movement as a totally new phenomenon. The oldest ones existed since the antiquity in the Algerian society, where the population was organized and helped each other in all the events whatever their nature. This voluntary work was practiced, through time, by a voluntary work called "Touisa" which means the collective mutual aid for some important works.
The first law on associations in Algeria was that of 1901, in force during the colonial period. It was formally renewed, at independence, by the law of 31 December 1962 (Benramdane, 2015, p. 15). According to Thieux (2009) "as the regime consolidated its power on the basis of the single party, it progressively imposed numerous restrictions on the freedom of association." These restrictions on the 1901 law, according to Izarouken (2012), led to a cascade of dissolutions of associations from 1962 to 1971, thus affirming and confirming an obvious dispute but often denied, by the State "Since Independence, the public authorities have not departed from an attitude of distrust towards the associative fact" (Babadji, 1989).
The manifestation of the population's dissatisfaction with the policies and management methods established by the public authorities has given rise to new social movements with a claim language that breaks with the discourse of traditional social organizations (workers, unions, students, etc.). These movements focused on issues related particularly to the fight against social and urban disparities, always focusing on the search for a better living environment. Over time, they quickly became an effective means of popular mobilization.
After the adoption of the 1989 Constitution, which paved the way for freedom of association ratified by Law 90-31, the associative movement experienced unprecedented growth "What was originally only a controlled opening became, in the wake of the events of October 1988, a breach for an extraordinary proliferation of committees, associations and organizations of all kinds". (Babadji, 1989). Thus, and in favor of the new constitution, political organizations, trade unions and associations, are going very quickly, in this context of liberalization, to form and develop. According to Izarouken (2008), "The associative movement, which was once very small and limited, subject to the restrictions and constraints inherent in the 'one-party system', has experienced, thanks to developing the enactment of Bill 90-31, a phenomenal boom, at least in quantitative terms 4 ".

The associative movement in Batna
The city of Batna, chief town of Wilaya, is located 425 km southeast of the capital Algiers. It is the 5th most important city in the country. Its spectacular development has led to a dysfunction of the urban system which has affected various sectors including that of housing. The emergency urban planning, initiated in haste, has given rise to associative movements in the form of residents' committees in the various districts of the city.
According to the latest thematic typology established by the Ministry of the Interior (interieur. gov.dz), it appears that out of the 4146 associations identified in the wilaya of Batna, there are only 1618 (39%) that comply with the law on associations. This situation is explained by the constraints encountered by some associations to comply with this new law. Neighborhood committees are in second place with 643 approved associations (15.50%) after those of parents of students who have 814 (19.63%). Note that this percentage of 15.50% obtained by neighborhood associations remains far behind the national percentage of 21.45%.
According to the services of the DRGA of the wilaya of Batna, the number of associations approved on 30 September 2020, in accordance with Law No. 12-06, is 1819 5 , all types combined, of which 971 are communal associations distributed at the level of the 61 communes. The rest (848) concerns the associations of wilaya. According to this census of the DRGA, the wilaya of Batna has 126 neighborhood associations, occupying the sixth place (7%) behind religious associations (23.9), Arts and Culture (15.06%), Sports (14.84%), Professional (14.68%) and Parents of Pupils (11.38%). Among the 126 neighborhood associations in the wilaya, 40 (32%) are domiciled in the capital of the wilaya (city of Batna). These associations are almost equally divided between collective housing (48%) and individual housing (52%).

Social characteristics of association representatives
A survey conducted on the representatives of neighborhood associations in the city of Batna, during the first half of 2021, showed that the age group that reigns in the range of these association presidents is the age category of 50 to 60 years. These citizens of "mature age" represent 60% of the total membership. Their employment situation indicates that the unemployed account for only 4% of the total. The rest is divided between civil servants (40%), liberal function (20%) and retired people (36%). As for the educational level of this representation, it is mostly between high school level 44% and university level, 36%, while primary and middle school levels represent only 5%. Middle-class people, who have social and economic stability and an appreciable level of education, are therefore the most active in neighborhood associations. Some leaders are former public sector employees. As active members, they have political or administrative coverage that allows them to develop distinct relationships with the administration. If all the heads of the associations are men, it is indeed the owners who constitute the majority of the leaders, the tenants are rarely part of it because they consider that their passage by the district is only temporary.

Proximity work as a means of mobilizing citizens
Through the participation, contribution and mobilization of citizens, associations can defend common interests at the level of their neighborhoods, hence the need to expand the militant base and consolidate its local influence. Thus, and before taking any action related to the collective services of, their neighborhoods, the associations are supposed to be involved in a work of proximity. This consists in training and raising awareness among citizens, by demonstrating to the inhabitants the usefulness and necessity of their involvement in the construction processes of all decisions related to their living environment.
At the level of associations in Batna, it is clear that there is an increased tendency of citizens to adhere to this new policy. In this context, a president of an association says: "At the beginning, the majority of the inhabitants did not feel concerned by what we were doing within our association. In my opinion, this lack of interest is mainly due to a lack of trust. Fortunately, this is beginning to change, we are gradually gaining their trust by trying to solve the problems of the neighborhood ".
It should be noted that although there is a prior agreement of cooperation between the associations and the inhabitants on any action that relates to a better life in their neighborhoods, this does not rule out the presence, sometimes, of disagreement between these two partners. This pushes citizens to solve their own neighborhood problems without calling on the associations. This conflictual situation is especially evident in the illicit areas of the city where small groups of citizens carry out sanitation, water supply, electricity and gas connections, both individual and collective, often in partnership with the services of the municipality and SONELGAZ (national electricity and gas company), as emphasized by an inhabitant "We prefer to solve our problems ourselves, it's faster and more practical and it saves us multiple meetings and tiresome discussions."

Associations: a controversial internal democratization
In order to justify their modes of action, associations are required to comply with the regulations in force. They must establish an electoral calendar by organizing elections at a general assembly as a legitimate demand of all members in accordance with Art.15 of Law 12-06 "The executive bodies of the association are elected and renewed in accordance with democratic principles and with the deadlines set in its statutes". Unfortunately, this internal democratization is sometimes absent in the operations of renewal of the governing bodies of associations in the city of Batna. Indeed, the representatives of the latter, eager for power are simply co-opted. As a result,"This method of appointment prevents eminent and ambitious members from assuming responsibilities at the level of their associations," as pointed out by one of the active members. This is not without raising the anger of the inhabitants: "we are not going to keep quiet, we demand transparency even if it means redoing the elections".

Tacit connivance of neighborhood associations with political parties
Civil society, with all its associations, is a much broader field of human activity than the political sphere. It includes all institutions through which individuals express their interests and values outside the field of government activity. Although Article 13 of Law 12-06 on associations states that "Associations are distinct by their objects, names and functioning of political parties and may not have any relationship with them, whether organic or structural.." The relationship of the neighborhood associations of the city of Batna with the political parties is undeniable. It clearly reflects this confusion between social and political activity.
While this relationship is clearly and visible in most neighborhoods', it is well hidden in others. Some members of neighborhood associations prefer to hide their political tendencies and show ideological leanings, while others, on the contrary, act in the opposite way. All this confusion is mainly due to the environment in which these associations operate. Moreover, their activities can sometimes become a means of pressure or support for political parties. For example, the association may support a candidate or a list of candidates of a given political tendency, considering their programs as those that best meet the expectations of the inhabitants. In addition, a consensual candidate may also be chosen within the association itself. In all cases: "It is a question of strengthening the legitimacy of the association and consolidating its position and especially of increasing its power", as stressed by one of the representatives of an association.
When questioning the inhabitants of the district on this point, they affirm that what counts is to solve the problems of the city, as one of the interviewees underlines when speaking about the representative of the association of his district: "I don't care if he adheres to such and such a party, it doesn't change anything, what counts is to solve the problems of the city, that's all".

Situational discomfort between neighborhood associations and the local authorities
Any change in local management policy is essentially based on the relationship between the administration and the citizens through the establishment of new coordination and consultation mechanisms. This mutation is not easily achievable in the field. On the one hand, administrations are reluctant to accept a challenge to their expertise and refuse any interference in their prerogatives. On the other hand, associations feel it as a kind of contempt or even disdain for the fact that they consider themselves as spokespersons for the needs and demands of the inhabitants.
Marginalization that is omnipresent in some neighborhoods in the sense that elected representatives, from the legislative assembly and the municipality, take on the role of relay in the face of local protests by marginalizing neighborhood associations. This phenomenon increases, moreover, each time the elections approach. In questioning an elected official from Batna on the issue, he said: "We work regularly with neighborhood associations, but sometimes we are in direct contact with the population concerned. In my opinion, this can only be good because it allows us to listen to citizens and take into account their claims".

Neighborhood association strategies: from local to urban
The associations are created especially with the aim of supporting the population in the improvement of its daily life through the promotion of social participation. This requires the contribution of citizens in this structure to public life by considering the problems that affect their communities.
The importance of neighborhood associations in any urban area is undeniable. They play different roles that vary according to the nature of their mediation between decision-makers and the population: "The neighborhood association is a socio-political-cultural formation. If we look at the different articles of the charter of neighborhood committees throughout the world, we discover that the neighborhood committee is a force for reflection, proposal and collaboration on all subjects concerning the residents, who must all adhere to it. " (Boulaouche, 2009).
The failure of urban services and the neglect by the authorities of certain neighborhoods in the city of Batna have led residents' associations to resolutely engage in this voluntary activity, which is mainly intended to serve the neighborhood and its inhabitants: "It must be said that the majority of urban housing estates in our country have been built without being really finished" (Bouakba, 2009).
In order to deal with the discomfort experienced in their neighborhoods, strategies are undertaken by the associations to improve the living conditions of the inhabitants. These initiatives show, on the whole, the beginnings of an emerging participatory spirit. Numerous collective actions are perceptible at the level of both individual and collective housing estates. For example, the phenomenon of residential self-enclosure, which proliferates in the neighborhoods of the city of Batna, is an inherent example of the determining role of associations. The construction of a fence, by the inhabitants of the city, testifies to their ability to make joint decisions for the good of all, even if these are informal (Bendib & Naceur, 2018). In studying this issue at the level of collective housing estates in Batna, Bendib (2020) states that "The residential fence, once established, defines a spatial entity within which a form of socialization based on the sharing of common goals develops".
Through anomalies and other breaches of laws, neighborhood associations, through this kind of action, often go beyond the framework of the management of the collective city to deal with "urban management". As a result, they gradually but firmly adhere to the aspirations of neighborhood associations that are active all over the world: "However, the recent evolution of neighborhood committees reveals their desire to move from simply defending the interests of neighborhood residents to taking more comprehensive account of urban development. At the same time, decentralization has shown that the local level has become a place for the production of general interest" (Rangeon, 1999).

Revealing and promising examples of the preponderant role of associations
Faced with the various problems encountered in the housing areas, numerous collective actions have been initiated by the inhabitants. Supported by the latter, the associations exert pressure that "boldly" challenges the public authorities. By way of examples, taken from our research work, we will mention three significant cases of this state of affairs.

The 500 dwelling units
The 500 dwellings are endowed with an association that has been active for several years and whose role was decisive in achieving the cancellation of the planned project of densification to the detriment of the outer spaces of the city. In fact, as part of the «sovereignty program», aimed at granting a ratio of commercial premises to the benefit of the young people of each municipality, it was decided to design an «empty» ground within the 500 dwellings for the implementation of the said project. This decision, taken without any consultation with the inhabitants, has generated their dissatisfaction. Also, the latter have violently opposed this will of local decision makers and have engaged in a real "protest" which led to the cancellation of the project in question.
In this wake, the neighborhood association organized several protest actions such as: signing of petitions addressed to local authorities, use of the media, organization of a setting within the perimeter of the housing estate until a firm physical opposition to the work started. As stated by the representative of the Association of the City "Finally, these politicians do not understand the language of the speech, so we were forced to use force by physically opposing the work that was undertaken." Thanks to this pressure, the authorities gave in and the project was abandoned. The inhabitants, having been successful, and then decided to transform the empty outdoor spaces into a plot (Figure 1). What is even more interesting is that there have been other negotiations that benefit both parties. Indeed, the inhabitants of the city proposed to the local authorities to build these premises on a plot of land located at the end of the housing estate on condition that the latter will be granted to the unemployed of the district in question. A solution that satisfied everyone and that was finally adopted (Figure 2).

The 800 dwelling units
Due to its urban morphology, the 800 dwellings are characterized by large empty outdoor spaces. As part of the operation of «urban densification», the public authorities decided to plan the construction of two types of housing: collective and individual. The reaction of the inhabitants, represented by their association, was immediate. Not being able to deny the exaggerated extent of the public spaces of the housing estate, they accepted the addition of blocks of collective type ( Figure 3). As for the individual housing, their refusal was categorical, justifying it by the surface that this type of housing requires To this end, the neighborhood associations have led to the To avoid future intrusions, the inhabitants appropriated the empty outdoor spaces by turning them into green spaces in the form of fenced gardens for the benefit of the residents of the housing estate, as evidenced by one of the persons surveyed. "We are already sufficiently confined in our apartments, so it is out of the question to take away our public spaces, and we have agreed to maintain the green spaces we have planted and deliberately fence" (Figure 4).

The 156 dwelling units
Located in the Kechida district to the west of the municipality of Batna, the 156 collective housing estates had also experienced a situation of confrontation with the authorities. Indeed, the latter decided to divert the road adjacent to the market of Kechida by making it cross the housing units in question. As the latter was protected by a perimeter wall, part of this fence was demolished to make way for a passage inside the district and to alleviate the traffic problems that were blocking the adjacent road ( Figure 5). In response, the neighborhood association has established a petition that opposes the tinkering of public authorities. It denounces this unacceptable act which puts in danger the life of the children. Having obtained only promises, it continues to militate to obtain victory. Moreover, the inhabitants have demonstrated their anger by closing this road using, among other things, burned tires "The state continues to ignore our demands, which are very important because they are about the safety of our children, but these damn politicians will never Source: The author, 2020 discourage us. In any case, we will use all means, even if we simply have to close the road with stones," as one of the residents pointed out.

Conclusion
The economic crisis caused by the oil counter shock, which hit Algeria in the mid-1980s, forced the State to question the state-run, planned-economy political system established in the early years of independence. From the year 2000's, Algeria adopted a new policy designed and developed in a concerted and coordinated process. It is implemented in the context of deconcentration, decentralization and proximity management. The policy of the city gives the citizen the right and the duty to participate in the development of his city.
Like the Algerian cities, the city of Batna adheres to this new vision, hence the establishment of a partnership program that involves different stakeholders. Neighborhood associations are one of the milestones of participatory management. Ambitious as they are, they find themselves in a rather delicate situation.Faced with a citizen who is often disinterested, but does not hesitate to criticize and an administration that is less or not present, the associations are struggling, on all levels, to motivate, convince, confront. . . with the aim of improving the living environment of the inhabitants.
The overview we conducted on the situation of Neighborhood associations within the city of Batna shed light on various points. The majority of representatives of the associations are relatively old, between the ages of 50 and 60. These "mature" people are called upon to make decisions. Concerning the mobilization of citizens to convince them to join one or more neighborhood associations, at the beginning, the inhabitants are often reluctant, ignoring this outreach work, but faced with the various problems that affect their cities, they willingly accept that the association takes care of them, especially when the costs to be paid are nil or at least reasonable. Moreover, they contest the monopoly and the lack of internal democratization within the associations and do not hesitate to raise the issue and to demand transparent and legitimate elections. As for the relationship of association representatives with political parties, as long as they do not intervene in the choice of representatives, it is not contested by the inhabitants but rather welcomed. Finally, the local authorities, which theoretically advocate the principles of consultation and coordination, sometimes deliberately ignore the associations by addressing citizens directly, a situation that arises in case of disagreement with the representatives, which greatly disturbs the latter who do not hesitate to intervene to clarify the points discussed.
In all cases, when faced with an acute problem concerning the housing area, the inhabitants do not hesitate to join forces and support the representatives of their association, thus forming a coherent social entity. Together, they challenge the local authorities by exerting pressure in different forms. This often results in confrontations and clashes on the ground. What is even more interesting is the ability of these ordinary people to change the situation. Their competence reveals an undeniable will to get involved in everything that concerns the improvement of their living environment.
In this conflict situation, associations, as representatives of civil society, continue to advocate for the prosperity of their neighborhoods, thus aspiring to play a decisive role in their development. In 2010, F. Naceur emphasized that "Despite their spectacular growth, neighborhood committees were not places for learning about democratic culture, spaces for exchange and debate, for listening and helping with decision-making. . .". Today, the field shows us another reality which testifies to a change of attitude on the part of the inhabitants, the reasons for which are certainly diverse and require an in-depth study on the subject. Nevertheless, a certain trust emerges and solidifies between the inhabitants and the association of the neighborhood. A complicity more and more present, which results in concrete and positive actions on the ground.
It must be said that despite multiple constraints, neighborhood associations are struggling to occupy an important place in the emerging process of local power reorganization. Through their various actions, they are demonstrating their effectiveness and gaining the trust of the inhabitants. If the road ahead is difficult, it is nevertheless promising, as it foreshadows new perspectives for the invention of local democracy through participatory management of urban space.