Preserving memory, campaigning nationalism: the haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha and the remaking of the Hadhrami-Arab identity in Indonesia

Abstract This article discusses the haul, the annual death ceremony of Habib Hasan bin Thaha in Semarang, Indonesia. In this study, haul is considered as an effort by the Muslim community in preserving his memory on the one hand, and campaigning nationalism on the other. Haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha was held for the first time in 2018 after the restoration of his tomb. Through the story built about the figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha, this haul is not only a religious activity, but also becomes an effective effort in campaigning for nationalism. The presence of state elements through the national anthem, the red and white flag, and the reading of Pancasila, makes Habib Hasan bin Thana’s haul distinct from other hauls in Indonesia. The Indonesian nuance in the haul also provides a new image for the Hadhrami-Arabs, the constructers of the haul, as a nationalist community in the midst of the negative image portrayed by some Hadhrami-Arabs through radical and transnational Islamic beliefs.


Introduction
The haul has become a phenomenon that has coloured religious expressions in Indonesian Muslim communities. Haul Pekalongan, Haul Solo, and Haul Gresik, as well as a series of haul celebrations in other cities in Indonesia, have marked the birth of religion and religious spirit through religious celebrations (Alatas, 2007, p. 267). Although it has become increasingly prominent, the haul celebration is actually relatively new. Historically, the first haul celebration in Java occurred at the end of the 19 th century or at least at the beginning of the 20 th century. The haul is a ritual that originated in Hadhramaut, a region part of today's Yemen (Alatas, 2014, p. 303), where society is divided into several levels. The sayyid (plural sadah) or habib (plural habaib) is the highest group level in the Hadhramaut society, followed by the masyayikh (undergraduate group); the qabail, tribes/ethnic groups; and the masakin, the group of poor people (Camelin, 1997, p. 148). The habib, the group claiming to be the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad has become a vital group both sociologically and religiously. They are considered to have pure souls and therefore become idols for other groups. The pronouncing of habib is permanently attached to the family name from patrilineal lineage (bin means a son of; bint means daughter of). The Haul tradition, as one of the rituals of the Hadhramaut people, is related to religious leaders who came from the sadah group. These sadah position themselves as Sufi teachers, where their students not only learn Islamic science and law (exoteric) but also esoteric knowledge through the teachings and networks of the Sufi, Tariqah Alawiyah. The relationship forms a network that extends beyond place and time, through the recitation of the teacher's life and reverence for the teacher's grave (Boxberger, 2002, pp. 151-152).
The haul tradition arrived in Indonesia through the arrival of the sadah from Hadhramaut. It is quite possible that they existed at the beginning of the Islamization process in the archipelago, but their presence in significant numbers begun from the late 19th to early 20th centuries, coinciding with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 (Ho, 1997, p. 139). The haul of Habib Muhammad bin Thahir Al-Haddad, is believed to be the first haul in Java. Even though his grave is in Tegal, his first haul was held in Surabaya by Habib Muhammad bin Idrus Al-Habsyi. After the haul, other hauls began to appear in other areas, such as Pekalongan, Solo, and Gresik. Haul carries considerable importance in the socio-religious life of the Saadah, because, through haul, they preserve their collective memory while maintaining relations with their ancestors. Haul, such as graves, found in many parts of the country, are the focus of individual and collective rituals of varying importance. In this way, the Saadah spread their spiritual influence (Bujra, 1967, p. 365). Ancestral and intellectual relations are the most vital basic capital in the context of the socio-religious life of the Hadhrami people, both in their place of origin and in their new place.
This article discusses the haul which is held in commemoration of Habib Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya's death. It was considered as a part of the Hadhrami efforts to carry out construction while preserving their identity. Initially, the character Habib Hasan bin Thaha was only known as Shaykh Kramat Jati or Singobarong. His splendid tomb was originally a simple tomb and was part of the ablution place at the Al-Hidayah Mosque at Kampung Duku, Semarang.
The location of the tomb and haul that takes place in Semarang, caused this event to also be called the Semarang Haul, and it became a new event as previously similar hauls had only been celebrated in specified Indonesian cities, such as Solo, Pekalongan, and Gresik. This study follows Bourdieu's method of constructive structuralism, which synthesizes a theory on structure and objectivity and emphasizes the role of actors and subjectivity. This synthesis is known as the concept of habitus. For Bourdieu, habitus is a system through a combination of objective structure and personal history, long-lasting and changing dispositions that serve as a generative basis for objectively structured and integrated practices. Therefore, structure, agency, and habitus became the fundamental elements. The fundamental aim of Bourdieu's conception is to reveal the principal structure from which agents produce regulated practice, which is the true character of culture (Nash, 1990, pp. 432-435).
Nationalism is understood as love for the homeland. The haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha, which was held for the first time in 2018, is an example of Hadhrami-Arabs remaking the image of Indonesia as a new homeland. This Semarang haul is unique because it raises religious nationalism issues. According to Anthony D. Smith nationalism also emphasizes cultural construction and representation through symbols, such as the national anthem, national flag, and other national symbols (Smith, 2003, p. 8). It is supported by Hobsbawm and Ranger, who identified symbols and practices for nationalism by creating an ancient past. This ritualistic use of symbols and practices was inspired by religion. However, the modern and recent phenomenon shows that nationalism is a secular phenomenon, even identity, communality, and unity are shaped by religious solidarity (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 2012).
Haul Habib Hasan bin Thaha is essential because it represents the emergence of Islamic expression since 2016 when the Aksi Bela Islam I [Defending Islam Action I] occurred. The action was aimed at demanding justice from one of Indonesia's non-Islamic political leaders for blasphemy. Several Hadhrami-Arab figures, such as Habib Rizieq Shihab and Habib Bahar bin Smith, became the main driving actors of the movement. Their movement continued in the following years, as marked by the emergence of political identity in Indonesia (Manger, 2017;Susilowati et al., 2019, p. 59). Since then, the image of Arabs has been deemed intolerant, radical, and antiregime. Therefore, the Indonesia-ness of Hadhrami-Arabs is questioned. Social and political issues regarding Hadhrami-Arabs have emerged and are considered in the present-day Indonesia.

Materials and methods
This study follows the qualitative research paradigm. Therefore, the method and data are descriptive and analytical. Sources were obtained through literature reviews, observations, and interviews. Writing studies about the Hadhrami-Arabs requires internal sources such as hagiographies (manaqib), genealogies (ansab), travel literature (rihlah), and chronicles (tawarikh; Alatas, 1997, p. 20). Therefore, sources such as genealogies and family records of bin Yahya, as well as the hagiography, were used to construct the figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha. The tomb of saints as sacred spaces also involved written hagiographies, rituals, and pilgrimage experiences. Through these, the devotees created and sustained "sanctity" by building shrines, tombs, and other commemorative structures, writing about sacred topography, and performing rituals (Meri, 2002, p. 12). Therefore, besides the literature study, data were also obtained from observations and interviews. Observations were made on the grave and the haul process. The construction of Habib Hasan bin Thaha's tomb was carried out by one of his descendants, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, a charismatic Islamic scholar from Pekalongan, Central Java. Which is why the almost unreserved acceptance by the community is based on the information about the tomb being obtained from someone who is considered to have religious authority as a form of "Islamic exploratory authority" (Alatas, 2019a)., p. 68). Habib Hasan bin Thaha's tomb and haul became one of the successful projects of Habib Luthfi bin Yahya in rebuilding the identity of old tombs into new forms and meanings. This has become important in the socio-religious realm of Javanese Muslim society. From these sources, the story, which was originally based on the oral tradition, became a story based on history. In the Malay world, the burial site of a person who in life gained the respect of their community through outstanding spiritual piety, learning, historical accomplishment, or some other notable distinction, is called keramat. Keramat comes from Arabic, karamah, which refers to the miracles possessed by a saint (Mandal, 2012, p. 357).
In-depth interviews were conducted with seven individuals, namely the caretaker of the tomb as well as the "representative" of Habib Luthfi bin Yahya in Semarang, pilgrims, and community leaders. These individuals were between 40 to 60 years. They have been chosen because they are considered to represent the perpetrators and activists of haul. They were interviewed to express their memory of the tomb's construction, the haul's procession and its meaning, the figure of Habib In addition, this study also used online news, the Bin Yahya family website, and social media.

Nusantara as a homeland: Looking for an identity in a new place
Hadhrami is a term for Indonesians of Hadhramaut, South Yemen, descent (Van den Berg, 2010, p. 1). The arrival of the Hadhrami is believed to predate the Dutch colonial government. This can be evidenced by the routine trade routes between southern Arabia and the Southeast Asian islands since the seventh century (Tibbetts, 1956, p. 193). Based on records of European and Arab travellers visiting Southeast Asia, the presence of small settlements of Arab traders in major trading centres have been reported since the 13 th century (Morley, 1949, pp. 154-155). However, the mass arrival of Hadhrami people in the archipelago occurred at the end of the 18 th century. Their first stop was Aceh, followed by Palembang and Pontianak (Van den Berg, 2010, p. 100). Their initial purpose was trading (Kroef, 1954, p. 305), while simultaneously propagating Islam (Al-Haddad, 1995, p. 52). However, the role of spreading Islam is different from the missionaries in Catholicism and Protestantism. They generally also play the role of local traders with the aim of seeking to improve their lives. They participated in what was called Arab capitalism in the early 19 th century until its decline in the mid-20 th century (Brown, 2009, p. 109). This privilege was obtained as a result of the desperation of the Hindu kingdoms by the Islamic government allowing Arabs to become advisers to the king and marry women of the royal family. This caused them to obtain privilege from the position of the Arabs in the palace as a symbol of the legitimacy of the Islamic ruler. Similar to the traders from China, the Arabs migrated and lived in the islands of Sumatra, Java, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi. It is estimated that the activities of spreading Islamic teachings began to be carried out by various immigrants (mostly traders) from the Maghreb, Arabia, South Asia, and the Far East since at least the 13 th century. Most of these immigrants come from upper middle-class families who intend to trade in South Asia and the archipelago. They simultaneously spread their faith (Islam) and influenced local rulers to become interested in embracing Islam. In the following centuries, the Hadhrami immigrants' relations with local communities formed a unique network through marriage and Islamic power formation.
Although the spreading of Islam in some cases did not change the beliefs of local rulers, Majapahit for example, the preachers were assigned important positions in the local royal government. Moreover, these Hindu kings allowed them to spread Islamic teachings in their territory. Additionally, they belonged to the category of middle-class who are successful in commerce. The initial figure, the imam of the old mosque in Ampel Denta, was appointed to lead them (De Graaf et al., 2001, pp. 28-29). The journey of the Hadhrami to the archipelago was carried out using wooden ships. Departing from the ports of Al-Mukalla or Al-Syihir, they sailed up to Malabar in South India. From South India, they continued their journey to Sri Lanka, Aceh, Malaysia, Singapore, and the majority finally settled in Sumatra. Therefore, there are quite a lot of Arabic descendants in Sumatra, such as in Aceh, Deli, and Palembang. Some of the other groups continued their journey to other areas such as Kalimantan, Java, and Sulawesi. Based on a historical record, in the ninth century, the Alawiyin family (the descendants of the Prophet and Ali bin Abi Talib from the lineage of Hasan and Husain) settled in Sala (Sila) Island near Sulawesi and procreated until their death (Al-Haddad, 1995, pp. 39-40). They arrived there in an attempt to escape from the pursuit of the Umayah and Abbasiyah who were hostile to the Ahl al-Bait political faction (the family of the Prophet).
Since the Prophet's death, Umayah, who won the political contestation, turned against Ahl al-Bait. The Prophet's two grandchildren, Hasan and Husain, were killed due to the political conflict with the Muawiyah clan (Bani Umayah). Because of the background of this historical conflict, the descendants of Ahl al-Bait migrated to various regions in the Middle East, some to North Africa, Persia, and some to South Arabia. The most famous place of hijrah in this region of South Arabia is Hadhramaut. The Prophet's descendants who carried out the diaspora to this area included Ahmad bin Isa Al-Muhajir (Boxberger, 2002, p. 25;Alaydrus, 2006, p. 29). The descendants of the Prophet Muhammad who were in Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, commonly continued their lineage to Ahmad bin Isa. In several areas, these descendants of the Prophet Muhammad were ordained with the title sayid which means Lord. Some say that the title sayid is conferred to descendants of the Prophet from the Husain, while sharif is for descendants of the Hasan (Alaydrus, 2006, p. 19). Together they are also called Alawiyin, which means the descendants of Ali bin Abi Talib (Alaydrus, 2006, p. 21). The sayid received the title habib (plural: habaib) for men and hababah for women (Van den Berg, 2010, p. 33).
The arrival of Hadhrami in the archipelago can be divided into two main waves. The first wave occurred in the 13 th -18 th centuries. The majority of Hadhrami people who arrived during this period were fully assimilated with the indigenous population. They consisted of men who married local women and had ample offspring, both male and female, who eventually married other indigenous people. This makes it difficult for most people to find the genealogy that extends to their ancestors. Moreover, most descendants and their families no longer use Arabic names, instead they use local names. However, the genealogies that extend to the Hadhrami from this period will be easy to find for those who are blood relatives of the royal families in the archipelago. Many of the Hadhrami at that time married the daughters of local kings to gain power or important positions in the kingdom. Among them were saints who spread Islamic teachings in various parts of the archipelago. These saints are mostly Sayid Alawiyin, descendants of the Prophet.
The second wave of the Hadhrami diaspora occurred in the 19 th to early 20 th centuries. Unlike the previous generation, their arrival was driven by the desire to trade and find a new place to live. Although, there were those who simultaneously practiced Islamic teachings as well. The mass migration of the Hadhrami to the archipelago was due to three factors. First, the economic difficulties in Hadhramaut. Second, the ease of transportation due to the industrial revolution, and third, the economic policy factors issued by the Dutch government to Arab and Chinese minorities as intermediaries of international trade in the archipelago. This was the reason why Dutch colonialism placed the Arabs and Chinese higher in status than the natives (Mobini- Kesheh, 2007, pp. 13-18). Even though they have the same pattern of social integration as the previous period, by marrying indigenous women. The Hadhrami in this colonial period were more exclusive in their desire to maintain the "integrity" of their identity as Hadhrami. This was mainly done by those with the sayid group status. In their area of origin, Hadhramaut, the sayid or Alawiyin group occupies a high social position because they are descended from Ahl al-Bait. They developed a tradition called Kafaah. According to this tradition, the sayid group prohibits their daughters from marrying men who are not from the sayid group (both Javanese and non-sayid Arabic). This is justified through religious arguments. They claim that the position of the nasab [genealogy] of Alawiyin women is very high compared to non-sayid (Alatas, 2014, p. 68).
There was a close trade relationship between Arab and the archipelago in the 15 th to 17 th centuries. It can be said that Arab sailors brought Islam to the archipelago. According to Aboe Bakar Atjeh, Islam was first brought to Aceh and could not have been in other areas. The first broadcasters of Islam were Indian merchants and preachers from Arabia, and the first schools to be embraced were Shi'i and Shafi'i (Atjeh, 2018, p. 62). Islam then spread to surrounding areas, starting from Palembang, and continuing westward towards the island of Java, which later became the base for Javanese Islamic kingdoms. The mass dissemination originated in Java and spread throughout the archipelago, including as far as the islands in the east. At that time, there were no traces of Arab trade. In fact, in modern times it is also very difficult to trace Arab artifacts. However, several Arabs once settled in important ports of the archipelago, even having a political influence on the indigenous people. This was traced through contemporary documentary evidence, government archives, and travel records of Europeans. However, there is no clear data on the number of Arabs living in the Dutch colony. In official statistical records before 1859, Arabs were confused with Bengalis and other foreigners who were Muslim. However, steamboat shipping between the Far East and Arabia experienced rapid development since 1870. Thus, 1870 marked the beginning of a completely new era for the Arab colonies in the archipelago (Van den Berg, 2010, pp. 95-96).
In the archipelago, they formed colonies along the northern coast of Java and took a long sea journey, carrying Indonesian pilgrims. After arriving in Indonesia, particularly Java, they lived in Arab villages in coastal cities such as Jakarta, Pekalongan, Semarang, Surabaya, and Gresik. In these cities the Arabs were led by a Kapiten Arab or Kapitein de Arabieren (Kroef, 1954, p. 305). These Arabs obtained a trade monopoly, a sales contract for exercise, resulting in the abundant accumulation of wealth. In most cities in Java, this condition is a common occurrence, as in Semarang. In Semarang, the remnants of that glory still exist in the form of large and terraced houses such as those in Kampung Baru, Lawang Gajah, and Layur, which were once housing complexes of Arab descendants. In 1899, Sayid Muhdar bin Abdullah Al-Habsyi was the first Kapten Arab dan Bengal (Head of Arab and Bengal colony) in Semarang (Khoja, 2017). This position was last held by Sayid Edroes Al-Djoefri on 1 December 1927 (Insaf, 2 (4), 1938).
The Hadhrami who arrived in the archipelago in the first wave fully assimilated to the locals. As a product of the assimilation, many of the descendants used local names rather than Arabic names, while those who arrived in the second wave, assimilated less. The Hadhrami migrants who mostly consisted of Saadah (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad SAW) and Masyayikh (descendants of the companions of the Prophet) from this time only married among their own groups. This was mainly done by families from the Sayid or Alawiyin group. The daughters of a Sayid could not marry anyone who is not Sayid. Even the head of the strongest tribe could not marry the daughters of the Saadah with the lowest rank. However, a Sayid could marry anyone he liked (Van den Berg, 2010, p. 169). In the early 20 th century, this sayyid and non-sayyid problem triggered the birth of two internal Hadhrami groups in Indonesia, namely alawi (Jam'iat Khair) and irsyadi (Al-Irsyad), marked by what is called nahdah al-Hadhramiyah (Algadri, 1996, pp. 236-237). At the end of the 20 th century, this problem entered a new phase, from the origin of the problem of social hierarchy to being more doctrinal, marked by the birth of Sunni and Shi'a groups (Rijal, 2017, pp. 1-3). However, this resulted in marriages between Sayid and indigenous women, causing hybrid descendants. They embarked on the adventures and challenges of a new era, between becoming indigenous people in a new homeland, maintaining their original identity as Hadhrami, or being both.

Preserving memory: the tomb and figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha
This section discusses the construction of the tomb and the historical "formation" of Habib Hasan bin Thaha. The construction of tombs can be equated with monuments as an effort of maintaining public knowledge on the one hand and build a sense of belonging while forming a new identity on the other. As a product of the different social processes, it is not sufficient to only research its materiality but also its function in society: cognition, communication, information, and memory (Kulišić & Tuđman, 2009, November 4-6). Before he was known as Habib Hasan bin Thaha, he was known as Syaikh Kramat Jati or Singobarong. His grave is located on Jalan Taman Duku, Lamper Kidul, Semarang. His descendant, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, an important and respected Islamic figure in Java, declared that the Syaikh Kramat Jati or Singobarong is one of his ancestors, Habib Hasan bin Thaha. 1 For his followers, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya is considered as sayyidul habib, the leader of the habibs. This is why his thoughts and advice are always followed by his followers 2 , 3 . Through Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, the history of Habib Hasan bin Thaha is always associated with a "nationalist" figure, which is simply understood as a person who loves his homeland and is keen to inflame anti-colonialism. As the name implies, Kramat Jati, his grave was originally known as the tomb of the sacred. The title habib, indicated that he was also known as one of the sayids (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad) and contributed to the Islamization of Semarang in the 18 th century. The relationship established through marriage with the Yogyakarta Sultanate family confirmed the close relationship between the Arab settlers and the Javanese rulers of that time. Through this relationship, he received a Javanese title, Kanjeng Raden Mas Tumenggung Sumodiningrat. He also contributed to the wars against the Dutch in Palembang and Banten before he finally settled and died in Semarang ("Manaqib Habib Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya", 2018).
Until 2015, his tomb, which was located on the west side of the Al-Hidayah Mosque, seemed to be neglected. The grave was only marked by a nameplate (see, Figure 1). In 2016, the tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha, which was originally a pure tombstone, was turned into a splendid tomb by one of his descendants, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya. Apart from indicating the existence of the old diaspora Hadhrami networks in these islands, the existence of the tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha is one of the essential religious tourism destinations in Semarang. Habib Luthfi bin Yahya transformed Habib Hasan's tomb into a "new" building with a new style and expression. This phenomenon can also be understood as an attempt to build history, a new construction of the history of the Islamization of Java. The construction is the result of a process of adaptation and adoption of a group of Muslims towards modernity with "alternative historiography". Based on his "spiritual meeting" with his grandfather, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya also painted the figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha with a green turban and keris (Javanese traditional weapon) (see, Figure 2).  Habib Hasan bin Thaha directly received education from his parents until he memorized the Quran before the age of seven. His father sent him to Hadhramaut, to directly receive religious education from the land of his ancestors in studying Islamic law (sharia) and sufism (tasawuf). Among his teachers was Habib Ahmad bin Umar bin Smith. He further continued his studies in Maghreb (Morocco) and India. His teacher while in Java, among others, were Habib Alwi bin Abdullah Bafaqih (Manaqib Habib Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya, 2018). The story of the rihlah (travel) of Habib Hasan bin Thaha has also been a manifestation of the old Hadhrami-Arabs globalization diaspora driven by shipping and trade, including their dynamics in adapting to the new environment before the steamship was discovered. They were highly active in the sphere of international politics, sometimes by serving Muslim and European empires (Clarence-Smith, 1997, p. 10).

Habib Hasan bin Thaha was born in
After receiving permission from his teacher, he travelled to Tonja Africa, Morocco, and Habasyah, Somalia after which he returned to India, until he arrived in Penang-Malaysia. In Penang, he stopped for some time to trace his lineage, as well as meet his father, who at that time, lived in Penang. After living for some time in Penang, he received permission from his father to move to Java. He started his preaching in Banten, there was however, political strife in Banten at that time. Habib Hasan bin Thaha helped the dispute against the Dutch trading alliance, Verenigde Oost Indische Compagnie (VOC), which was based in Batavia. Due to Sultan Rofiudin being exiled to Surabaya by the VOC, he was appointed by the last Sultan of Banten to become the Grand Mufti of the Sultanate of Banten. In Banten, he not only taught and preached but also together with Banten and Cirebon, fought against the VOC. Even though Sultan Rofiudin had been arrested and exiled to (Source: https://darulhasyimi jogja.org/manaqib-habibhasan-bin-thaha-bin-yahyasyaikh-kramatjati-singobarong /, accessed 19 September 2020).
Surabaya, Habib Hasan bin Thaha, who had united the forces of the Banten and Cirebon troops, continued to fight. Habib Hasan bin Thaha, who was increasingly under pressure, continued his resistance as far as Pekalongan, Central Java. In Pekalongan, he founded a pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and mosque in Keputran Village, while he lived in Ngledok Village (Habib Luthfi bin Yahya speech in "Maulid Nabi Muhammad SAW dalam rangka Haul Habib Hasan bin Thoha bin Yahya (Syeikh Kramat Jati)" (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J-fR6A1YCbo, accessed on 20 September 2020).
Habib Hasan bin Thaha's influence from Banten to Pekalongan, caused the VOC to constantly monitor him. In 1785, there was a fierce battle in Pekalongan, with the persistence and enthusiasm possessed by the army led by Habib Hasan bin Thaha, they always overwhelmed the VOC troops. Before the outbreak of the Padri War, the pesantren of Habib Hasan was burned down by the VOC, which resulted in him moving to Yogyakarta. There, in 1790, he fought against the VOC and secured the area around the border of Central Java and Yogyakarta, which was once part of the Mataram Sultanate. Additionally, in Yogyakarta, Habib Hasan was appointed as Wedono Lebet, who later became Patih Lebet (Patih Jero). This was a key position because the patih controlled the entrance to the sultan's chamber. Based on Pieter Engelhard's report to Daendels, on 3 and 11 August 1808, he called Tumenggung Sumodiningrat beruchte veldoverste (famous commander) of Hamengkubuwana II. He was appointed as Wedono Lebet in 1803. However, he was temporarily suspended from 1807-1808. After which he was re-appointed until his death in 1812 (Carey, 2012, pp. 219, 925, 926).
According to several sources, there are two versions of this figure. The first version states that Tumenggung Sumodinigrat was the same person as Habib Hasan bin Thaha. Meanwhile, the second version states that Habib Hasan bin Thaha and Tumenggung Sumodiningrat were different people. The second version also states that the tomb of Tumenggung Sumodiningrat is located in Jejeran, Wonokromo Pleret, Bantul, approximately 10 km south of Yogyakarta. However, both versions state that Habib Hasan bin Thaha and/or Tumenggung Sumodiningrat had an important role in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and were close friends with Raden Rangga Prawirodirjo III (Qomar, 2022, p. 55). In addition to his skills in warfare, he was also known as a strategist and intelligence expert and was known as the Commander of the Burghoth Army. He is said to have always worn a veil to prevent others from easily recognizing him. He was also the main target of General Deandles and Northeast Java Governor Pieter Gerald van Overstrotem Third, as Panglima Besar (Great Commander) in defending Plengkung Gading or the main entrance of the Yogyakarta Palace from the south, from British attacks. Fourth, protecting the north coast from attacks by the British Empire and the invaders by deploying troops, which were called pirates. The troops were commanded by Tumenggung Sumodiningrat or Habib Hasan bin Thaha under the name of the Singobarong unit. At that time, the British army together with 1,000 best-trained troops, half of them European and Sepoy, had gathered in Semarang, Ungaran, and Salatiga. There, Tumenggung Sumodiningrat became the most persistent adviser to the Sultan in fighting against the British. Although Yogyakarta finally fell in the hands of the British in 1812 and the Sultan abdicated, Tumenggung Sumodiningrat and Pangeran Joyokusumo were two of the princes and high officials who led the defence wholeheartedly (Carey, 2012, pp. 383-389). When Yogyakarta fell, the British looted valuable items and manuscripts in the Sultan's library containing important chronicles and a list of conquered lands owned by the Sultanate of Yogyakarta (Carey, 2004, p. 11).
He is also known as the inventor of the Capit Urang war strategy with Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana II which could be applied, both at sea and on land. During his service and struggle in the Mataram region, he moved several times, from Purworejo, Wedi in Klaten, Magelang, and lived in the Kaliwungu region, living in an area now known as Kramat Village. In this Kramat village, the name Habib Hasan bin Thaha is also known as Sheikh Kramat Jati. He conducted the construction of mosques in each district where he was assigned. Among the mosques are the Dalem Ngadinegaran Legacy Mosque, Bagelen-Purworejo Mosque, Wedi Mosque in Klaten, Wonosari Mosque, and Kaliwungu Mosque in Kendal. In Kaliwungu, he lived with his friend, Kyai Asy'ari, a great scholar who became the forerunner of the future pesantren in the Kaliwungu, Kendal. After receiving the task from Hamengkubuwana II to solve the chaos in the region of Semarang, where the Duke of Semarang at that time was overwhelmed to face it, Habib Hasan bin Thaha built a defensive fort in the area of Jomblang, Semarang until his death in ("Manaqib Habib Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya", 2018). Regarding the figure of Tumenggung Sumodiningrat, he was not only known as anti-colonial, but also had a bad image (into heavy drinking, gambling, and cockfighting). Despite the controversy, he was called the strongest pillar of the Sultan's government and his actions were like a frightening singobarong (lion barong; Carey, 2014, pp. 97, 220). He died brutally in battle on 20 June 1812 (Carey, 2012, p. 961), by a combination of British soldiers (John Deans) and the Mangkunegaran legions (Prangwedono) during the British invasion of the Yogyakarta palace on 20 June 1812 (Carey, 2017, p. 112). His tragic corpse was taken by his soldiers to be buried in the Sumodiningratan family grave. In addition to Habib Luthfi bin Yahya's version, the second version stated that Sumodiningrat was a Javanese aristocrat with a bright career and came from Kedu (Putri, 2017). Habib Hasan bin Thaha had ten children, namely Sayid Thaha (buried in Ciledug), Sayid Muhammad, Sayid Alwi (Mbah Luhung), Mbah Surgi Jatikusumo (buried in Batang), Sayid Ali (mufti of Yemen), Sayid Yahya, Sayid Hamid, Sayid Umar, Dewi Aisyah (Raden Mas Ayu), and Raden Ayu Fatimah. Among Sayid Hasan ibn Thaha's grandchildren were Pangeran Panotogomo Sayid Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Hasan who was also known by the name of Sultan Alimuddin, Sultan of Kutai Kertanegara, and Habib Muhammad Luthfi bin Ali bin Hasyim bin Umar bin Thaha bin Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya (Manaqib Habib Hasan bin Thaha bin Yahya"(https://darulhasyimijogja. org/manaqib-habib-hasan-bin-thaha-bin-yahya-syaikh-kramatjati-singobarong/, accessed on 20 August 2020). Later, one of Habib Hasan bin Thaha's children, Sayid Thaha bin Hasan who was buried in Ciledug, compiled a ratib which became the identity of the bin Yahya family, namely Ratib Kubro. Kubro means great and according to Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, the word kubro is related to the names of great saints ("Habib Luthfi bin Yahya Bercerita tentang Rotib Kubro, Al-Haddad, dan Al-Athos", https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KE72HUF7L8E, accessed on 20 September 2020). Meanwhile, one of his children, Sayid Alwi, followed in his father's legacy in spreading Islam. His tomb is in Meteseh, Tembalang, Semarang, and is also becoming a new place of pilgrimage. 5 Besides the oral tradition and the historical sources written above, as a grandchild, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya played a key role in constructing the "history" of Habib Hasan bin Thaha. In addition to his authority, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya must have had records of where his grandfather used to live and where he was buried. 6 In 2016, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya began to restore the old tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha. Through the management of the Al-Hidayah Mosque in Jalan Taman Duku, Semarang, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya bought a grave land and became the architect and funder of the construction of the tomb. Habib Luthfi bin Yahya himself drew and measured the shape of the dome. Its distinctive shape was adapted to the dome of the tombs of the Sayids in Hadhramaut and the decoration of the edges of the dome is similar to the architecture of the Great Mosque of Pekalongan. At the time of the construction, if the shape and size of the dome were not what he expected, the dome had to be torn down and rebuilt in the shape he wanted (Interview with Solihin, 21 November 2018; see, Figures 3 and 4). 1 Inside the dome, there is a jirat (headstone) of Habib Hasan bin Thaha's tomb which is made of charming white marble. The jirat is anonymous (see, Figure 5), and surrounded by a white wooden cupola, decorated with beautiful carvings (see, Figure 6). However, the physical infrastructure becomes the basic element that makes a devotional site. That also became a holy environment that supplies a devotional energy and ritual (Alatas, 2016, p. 15). The pilgrims, who are mostly workers, claim to have peace of mind while at the tomb. After visiting the Tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha, they felt as if their energy was being recharged. 7

Campaigning nationalism: the process and meaning of the haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha
This section describes the haul and its meaning in campaigning nationalism, although that relationship cannot be separated from the figure of Habib who succeeded in attracting the attention of his followers to uphold the country's defence or the interests of the homeland rather  than personal or group interests. Additionally, there is a social construction of the habib's figure related to nationalism. This has been understood since the last decade, when the movement back to ethnicity, religious primordialism, and communalism was getting stronger in Indonesia. This social construction makes the habib figure a predicate that is voluntarily given by the community in which it emphasizes glorification and recognition with consequences on the demand to compete in doing good (musabaqah fil akhirat), and efforts to realize the welfare of human being in the universe (rahmatan lil alamin).
The Indonesian-ness identity of the Hadhrami-Arabs is something unquestionable. Historically, Habib Hasan bin Thaha, one of the prominent figures of Hadhrami-Arabs, was involved in the national struggle to fight nationalism and imperialism. Therefore, his haul is articulated as an effort to maintain religious nationalism identity. According to Friedland, religious nationalism requires an institutional approach to the project of collective representation. Religious nationalists who are clerics, mullah, sadhu, rabbi, and habib, made politics into a religious obligation in this regard to maintain identity (Friedland, 2001, pp. 125-126).
Haul is an Indonesian Islamic tradition. This tradition is not found in Arab societies, which did not have that tradition from the beginning. Haul comes from the traditions of the Hadhramaut community, Yemen. Although haul is generally held by the Hadhramaut people, as a tradition, haul is always attached to the sadah or sayid group. In Java, the first Hadhrami sayid haul was held by Habib Muhammad bin Idrus Al-Habshi (d. 1914) in Gresik, to commemorate the death of the saint, Habib Muhammad bin Thahir Al-Haddad (d. 1899;Al-Attas, 1979, p. 340). Although the saint was buried in Tegal, Central Java, the haul was held for the first time in Gresik, East Java. This was   the first haul held by and for Hadhramaut Sayids beyond Hadhramaut. As mentioned above, they are the descendants of the prophet through the path of Sayid Muhammad bin Ali (1255), the founder of Tariqa Alawiyah. Sayid Muhammad bin Ali, a son of Sayid Muhammad Shahib Mirbath obtained a spiritual line from Syaikh Abu Madyan Syu'aib through his student Abdulrahman Al-Maq'ad. Al-Maq'ad died in Mecca, however, before he died, he instructed Abdullah Al-Maghribi to go to Hadhramaut to meet with Sayid Muhammad bin Ali (Engseng Ho, 2006, p. 41). Apart from the environment of the Hadhrami sayids group, haul is also found in Javanese Muslim society. The haul of the Walisongo (nine saints of Java), for example, or the haul of the kiai and the founders of prominent pesantren, is a unique expression of Islam in the archipelago, especially Java. However, the haul of the Hadhrami sayid is unique because it not only involves the practice of ziyarah (pilgrimage) but also the recitation of the ratib (prayers) and maulid (prophet history), which are the main features of the religious movements of the Hadhrami sayid. These traditions coincided with the Hadhrami diaspora process in these islands, particularly in the 18 th and 19 th centuries. In this study, haul is considered as an attempt to reconstruct collective memory of Hadhrami Sayid's family and their tariqa network. In Semarang, this network emerged as an expression of new religious movements through the presence of religious gatherings: habib and tariqa. In that relationship, the tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha has also become a new religious centre in Semarang.
The main characteristic of Tariqa Alawiya is the reading of maulid. Therefore, the main event on every haul was enlivened with the recitation of Simt ad-Durar (pearl strand), the book of life of the Prophet Muhammad. This book was composed by Habib Ali bin Muhammad Al-Habsyi, (1405 H) at the age of 68, on 26 Safar 1327 H/ 18 March 1808 and he completed it on 10 Rabiul Awal 1327/ 31 March 1808 (Al-Habsyi, 2010, pp. 15-60). The haul event is not only popular in Java, but also in south Kalimantan (Sulisno, 2021). Haul Habib Abu Bakar Assegaf in Gresik (Alatas, 2007), Haul Habib Ali and Habib Anis bin Alwi in Surakarta (Mashar, 2017), and Haul Habib Husein Alaydrus in Jakarta (Ashadi et al., 2018) for example, only held religious rituals such as reading the maulid and manaqib (hagiography). What is unique regarding the Haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha and not found in most other haul events, is Kirab Merah Putih (the red and white carnival) which is an important part of the Habib Hasan bin Thaha haul process. Kirab Merah Putih was held which involved the city government, military, police officials, and the community (see, Figure 7). The kirab route started from the tomb of Habib Hasan at Jalan Taman Duku, Lamper Kidul, and head to Jalan Tentara Pelajar, Jalan M.T. Haryono Street, Jalan A. Yani and finished at Simpang Lima. At the ceremony, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya's flag was handed over to Semarang Mayor Hendrar Prihadi (Pemkot Semarang Gelar Haul Habib Hasab, 2018). The haul with a series of processions that were carried out aimed to preserve the traditions of the heritage of the ancestors, instilled the moral values of heroism, and campaigned nationalism.
State symbols do not only appear in the carnival but also in the haul process, namely singing the national anthem, Indonesia Raya, and reading Pancasila (the five principles of Indonesia). Shades (Source: https://news.detik. com/berita-jawa-tengah /d-3892297/melihatmeriahnya-kirab-haul-habibhasan-di-jalanan-kotasemarang, accessed on 19 September 2020). of red and white, like the Indonesian flag, adorn the haul stage (see, Figure 8). According to Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, the figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha needed to be explained to the community allowing the citizens of Semarang to understand and recognize Habib Hasan bin Thaha's struggle (see, Figure 9; Purbaya, 2018; Arifin, 2018;Pemkot Semarang Gelar Haul Habib Hasan, 2018).
Maulid and haul are not a special phenomenon in Indonesia. Both has become markers of the existence of the Hadhrami-Arabs community beyond Hadhramaut, such as Maulid Celebration in Lamu, Kenya (about manuscript collection of maulid in Riyadha Mosque in Lamu Kenya, see, Bang, 2015) and Haul of Habib Noh Al-Habsyi in Singapore (Tschacher, 2006). However, none of these hauls exhibit such an explicit expression of nationalism akin to the haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha. The reading of maulid and manaqib at the haul, are the reflections of collective memory of Hadhrami-Arab's (Ba'alawi) family on the one hand and confirmed the position of Habib Luthfi bin Yahya as a spiritual teacher on the other. In this context, based on his religious authority, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya shaped the memory of the past while promoting it in a new form. According to Alatas, to be able to effectively present this authority, the scholars need to reconfigure their authority in consideration of changing Islamic practices and reasoning that emerged from shifting social and historical conditions (Alatas, 2011, p. 74), from sufi master to dreaming saint (Alatas, 2019b). This means that the construction of the tomb and haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha as a medium to preserve memories and campaign for nationalism, depends on the authority possessed by Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, both in the Hadhrami-Arab community and Semarang society in general. Haul, which is supported by the Semarang city government, has also shown the success of Habib Luthfi bin Yahya's "project". The tomb of Habib Hasan bin Thaha is not the only one built by Habib Luthfi bin Yahya. Throughout Java, many tombs of scholars and ancestors of the Bin Yahya family were built. In Central Java, such as the tomb of Habib Abu Bakar bin Thaha bin Yahya in Kayu Gritan, Kajen, Pekalongan; the tomb of Mbah Hasan Surgi Jatikusumo in Kedungdowo, Pasekaran, Batang; and the tomb of Sayyidah Fatimah in Randusanga Wetan, Brebes. In West Java, such as the tomb of Habib Umar bin Thaha in Indramayu, West Java, and tomb of Habib  Thaha bin Hasan bin Yahya, in Ciledug. He also built tombs outside Java, such as the tomb of Habib Muhammad bin Yahya and the tomb of Habib Hasyim bin Musyayikh bin Yahya in Kutai, Kertanegara, East Kalimantan (Assegaf, 2020, pp. 235-236). Beside Habib Hasan bin Thaha, there is another Bin Yahya family who travelled and transmitted the idea of Tariqa Alawiya in Indonesian archipelago. He was Abdullah bin Umar bin Yahya, who visited the archipelago in 1832 and remained there until 1835 (Alatas, 2019a)., p. 20).
According to Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, the form of the Indonesian state is final. Therefore, all ideas about changing the shape of the state, similar to the idea of khilafah by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) or Islamic radical movement, must be resisted. Apart from promoting the idea of a caliphate, HTI also rejects pluralism, as it is considered to damage the purity of Islam. (Setia, 2021). Meanwhile, the Islamic movement that carries Salafism-Wahhabism campaign massively carried out religious purification and rejected traditions such as haul and maulid. In Indonesia, the Salafism-Wahhabism movement is growing rapidly through several madrasas. One of the centres of this movement (manhaj) was the Ngruki Islamic Boarding School in Solo which was also driven by an Hadhrami-Arab descendant, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir (Hasan, 2008, p. 248). Therefore, the red and white carnival, also attended by people of other religions, has become an affirmation that pluralism is an important factor in forming harmony. Thus, in the past resistance was carried out through open war, and resistance is now carried out culturally. For his followers, making a pilgrimage to the tomb and following the haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha, makes Indonesian Muslims both nationalist and religious. It declares that Hadhrami-Arabs' descendants have the same sense of nationalism as the Javanese. That assumption is not only important for the Indonesian Muslim community, but also for the remaking of the Hadhrami-Arabs' identity in Indonesia today. According to Habib Luthfi bin Yahya, the spread of transnational Islamic ideologies such as khilafah and salafism cannot be separated from the failure of the Indonesian Muslim community in building its historical narrative. Islam that came from Arabia was considered authentic, while the history of Islam in the archipelago was considered syncretic. That is why, for more than 3 decades, he has been busy "fixing" the unwritten history of the Indonesian saints. He continues the attempt of recreating the historical narrative of the saints by building sites and instituting pilgrimages (Assegaf, 2020, p. 234).

Conclusion
Based on the discussion above, the oral tradition of Habib Hasan bin Thaha can become history. On one hand, the description of Habib Hasan bin Thaha's figure is "imaginatively" built based on oral tradition, trusted by the community, and conveyed by those who have a unique spiritual authority, namely Habib Luthfi bin Yahya. The role of oral tradition as history through special discussion about Habib Hasan bin Thaha's tomb has proven the main position of the parties believed to be authoritative in shaping history. On the other hand, the tomb and the haul are becoming two important aspects in campaigning nationalism and preserving the Hadhrami's memory (tradition). Through the story built in connection with Habib Hasan bin Thaha, haul not only functions as a religious activity, but also becomes an effective means of campaigning for the idea of patriotism and nationalism. Through the haul, the Hadhrami-Arabs in Indonesia has their own nationalism root represented by the figure of Habib Hasan bin Thaha.
Following Bourdieu's concept of habitus, Habib Luthfi bin Yahya plays a prominent role in preserving the memories of Habib Hasan bin Thaha and eventually campaigning nationalism. As an agent, it is inseparable from Habib Luthfi bin Yahya's position as a charismatic cleric. By his followers, he is called the heir to the prophet, who is pious and has a love for the Indonesian state. In Islamic socio-politics, ulama has an influential role in building habitus. Through this, haul as a tradition has been modified as an effort to campaign for Indonesian Islam vis a vis transnational Islamic movements amid increasingly vital identity politics. Finally, the haul of Habib Hasan bin Thaha has become an agenda for religious tourism in Semarang.