Post conflict-induced displacement: Human security challenges of internally displaced persons in Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne, Ethiopia

Abstract Violence along the Oromia-Somali border displaced more than a million ethnic Oromo in 2018. The purpose of this paper is to examine the post displacement human security challenges of internally displaced persons (IDPs) resettled in Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne (Addis Ababa). The data were collected using key-informant and in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and observation. A thematic analysis approach was applied during the data analysis process. The findings show that social structural sources of insecurity such as unemployment, poverty, hunger, inequalities, and pollution as well as institutional sources of insecurity like oppression and political repression by the government were the major challenges of the IDPs. The findings also reveal that the major sources of insecurities are largely related to marginalization, inadequate provision of social services, and lack of social integration. The findings underline that both state and non-state actors need to collaborate on addressing the human security challenges of the IDPs through improved access to market and infrastructure, support for livelihoods, access to adequate loan and formal safety nets, access to basic social services, employment and empowerment, skills training, and promoting social integration. Further, IDPs should be resettled where they can easily access economic and social opportunities, and freely interact with host communities.


Introduction
The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) is on the rise worldwide. In the year 2018 alone, about 28 million new displacements were recorded arising from conflict and disasters across 148 countries and territories. A number of countries in the Third World were affected by displacement associated with conflict and disaster (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2019). Currently, the number of IDPs is twice more than that of refugees (Wanninayake, 2019). UNHCR's report shows that the number of displaced people at the end of 2020 was more than 82 million (Dereje & Lietaert, 2022).
Sub-Saharan Africa has registered most of the new displacements in the 21 st century. About 16.5 million persons were displaced due to conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa as of the end of 2019 (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2019). At present, internal displacement is a very serious contemporary problem in the Horn of Africa compared to the past. It is mostly related to natural disasters, conflict, and communal violence (Yigzaw & Abitew, 2019). Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and North Africa are found to be the most countries with new displacements caused by conflict and violence in 2020. Most of such displacements took place in DRC, Syria and Ethiopia, as in previous years (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2021).
According to Tesfaw (2022), the main driver of internal displacement in Ethiopia is conflictinduced displacement including inter-communal violence, regional political instability, ethnic tensions and localized conflicts. Dereje and Lietaert (2022) also found the major drivers to include environmental disasters, armed conflict, the expansion of development infrastructure, and largescale forced resettlement. Political violence is the prominent driver of internal displacement in the country.
Ethnic-based violence since the 1990s is responsible for the displacement of large number of people in Ethiopia. This violence is the result of ethnic division introduced under the EPRDF regime which has created grievances, animosities, and severe competition among the federal subunits. Under such identity-based federal system in the country, ethnic groups fight for the respective "divided sovereignty" of their homeland (Dereje & Lietaert, 2022). Dereje and Lietaert (2022) argues that people are recently moving not just because of ethnic conflicts but also the politics of "othering." People who are labeled "outsiders" by natives are fleeing home to escape violence that might follow negative stereotyping. This politics of "othering" creates a particular form of displacement that is not recognized in IDP literature. This category of people is rendering invisible because the force (othering) that forces them to flee their home is not as well known as the recognized drivers (e.g., ethnic conflict). They further argue that forced resettlement, a government's forceful transfer of a particular part of the population from their original place to a new, is a typical manifestation of internal displacement.
Ethiopia ranked first among all countries by recording a high number of IDPs in 2018 (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2018). The number of IDPs in Ethiopia in 2018 was 3,191,000, a considerable portion of which was attributed to ethnic and border-based disputes (International Organization for Migration, 2019a). According to IDMC, more than 5.1 million people were displaced in Ethiopia in the year 2021. This number includes people who may have been displaced more than once. This extraordinary number of new and repeated displacement is due to attacks against civilians, health facilities, and schools in Afar, Amhara, and Tigray (Goat & Soda, 2022). The report of IOM shows that 3,589,421 (85%) IDPs were displaced due to conflict. In 2021, a total of 2,114,653 IDPs (453,263 households) have been displaced across 695 sites in Tigray, Afar and Amhara regions as a result of the Northern Ethiopia Crisis which broke out in November 2020. However, this number does not show the total number of IDPs due to the crisis because inaccessibility and insecurity continue to pose challenges to the data (International Organization for Migration, 2021b).
The recent Tigray War resulted in new internal displacement and related humanitarian crisis in 2021 (Dereje & Lietaert, 2022). This ongoing civil war in the country which started in November 2020 is tragic as both sides have committed atrocities that have involved mass killings and the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. The humanitarian crisis has been complicated due to "de facto humanitarian blockade" that prevents life-saving medicine and food from reaching rebel-held Tigray. However, a small amount of the needed-aid has made it into Tigray. Recently, 5.2 million people in Tigray need food aid while approximately 400,000 people are experiencing famine conditions (Goat & Soda, 2022).
IDPs in collective sites in Ethiopia experienced terrible conditions and restricted access to basic services, lack of opportunities to rebuild their livelihoods, protection risks, and wider security concerns (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2020). As a result of Covid-19 pandemic, many IDPs in displacement sites in Ethiopia lost a job or they found it harder to find work. Further, many IDPs faced financial problems due to the pandemic, and they had to resort to reducing meals, borrowing money and also selling assets. The impact of global inflation caused by the pandemic is also impacting the ability of IDPs to purchase food, which further impacts their food security (Goat & Soda, 2022).
The Tigray War has worsened the current situation. About 1.7 million children lost access to education because they are in displacement. Further, human rights violations and abuses against women, children and also members of different ethnic groups were reported. Hundreds and thousands of IDPs were returning to Tigray, Amhara and Afar toward the end of 2021 and the beginning of 2022, as the fighting in the country decreased. However, theses IDPs were facing challenges such as large destruction of their homes, public infrastructure, a lack of services and lack of access to education (Goat & Soda, 2022). Living conditions for returnees, those who have relocated, and IDPs alike are dire and needs remain high. Shelter, safe access to water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH), basic lifesaving health services, and critical non-food items (NFIs) are urgent for all (International Organization for Migration, 2022).
Since September/October 2018, the Oromia Region witnessed a significant increase in the number of displaced persons. There were 1,145,848 displaced persons or 180,772 households in 515 resettlement sites in the Region. This figure increased by 238,323 individuals (26.26%), 36,871 households (25.62%), and 49 sites (10.52%). Estimates show that 86% of the population was uprooted by conflict (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2019).
Intensified hostilities and inter-communal violence further worsened humanitarian situation in Western Oromia in 2022. Recently, about 500,000 people have been displaced in Western Oromia, including thousands displaced multiple times from Kamashi zone of Benishangul Gumuz Region, since 2018, who unable to return to their place of origin due to insecurity (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2022) About 33 (6%) displacement sites in the Oromia Region hosting 96,136 individuals lack access to food. In 78% of the sites IDPs did not have access to income generating activities (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2019). According to IOM's 2021 report, lack of access to food is most acute in Oromia compared to other regions, with 111 sites reportedly not having access to food. The majority of IDPs in 132 sites report no occupation, in 107 sites report farming and in 79 sites report daily labor. IDPs in 316 sites in Oromia region do not have access to land for cultivation. In 5 sites in the region, the shelters of more than 75% of IDP households are partially destroyed in their place of origin. It was found that there were at least 1,454 non-functioning latrines on-site (International Organization for Migration, 2021b).
Humanitarian access was challenging in West and Kellem Wollega zones due to intercommunity violence between Oromo and Gumuz communities as well as hostilities between security forces and armed groups in 2018-2020. Since 2021, clashes have expanded to East and Horo Guduru Wollegas and to North, West, South-west and East Shewa zones, prompting forced displacements within Oromia and into Amhara region. The humanitarian response is severely impacted by a combination of access restrictions, inadequate funding, and limited partners' presence. Insecurity is forcing partners to restrict activities along main roads, away from rural areas, which limits the number of people reached, leaving thousands of IDPs without assistance in Horo Gudru Wollega and those who moved back from Kamashi and who have not been registered until now (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2022).
Access to basic services such as education, healthcare or water and sanitation in recent years is challenging due to violence and the destruction of existing infrastructure. Throughout Western Oromia, 426 health facilities are non-functional as a result of looting and destruction. In East Wollega, 144 schools remain closed and over 62,000 children are out-of-school. Similarly, in West Wollega, 184 schools are closed and 89,000 students are out of school. Food deliveries to the affected population are irregular and incomplete due to a combination of insecurity and budgetary/logistical challenges faced by authorities (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2022).
This study is about ethnic Oromo who were displaced from Ethio-Somali Region in 2018. In March 2017, violent conflict erupted along the Oromia-Somali border encompassing eastern, southeastern, and southern Ethiopia (Regassa, 2019). This conflict resulted in mass killings and displacement in Oromia and Somali regional states. By mid-2018 more than one million people were displaced from both sides. Prominent political leaders and security forces from both regional states played a vital role in aggravating the conflict between the Oromo and the Somali (Assefa, 2019). According to Regassa (2019), the major cause of the conflict has not yet been clarified, but two major assumptions dominate public speculation and government narratives. One is related to the issue of territorial control on the side of the Somali regional state which is mentioned as a fueling factor for the conflict, and the other is related to the broader political economy of illegal trade by many actors, including the TPLF military generals, businessmen, and high-profile government authorities.
While previous studies on IDPs from the Ethio-Somali Region examined the psychological impacts of displacement, human rights of IDPs, resettlement of IDPs, socio-economic rights protection, and socio-political and economic dynamics (Elias, 2019;Tola, 2019;Masresha, 2020;Negussie, 2020;Mekonnen, 2020), no study has analyzed the human security challenges of the IDPs using human security approach. Ethiopia is currently experiencing inter-communal violence in different parts of the country. Consequently, a large number of people are being displaced from their homes and are facing a range of threats and vulnerabilities. Thus, examining the human security of the IDPs can offer insight into the identification and mitigation of the major human security challenges that affect the lives of IDPs. As such, the main purpose of this study was to examine post displacement challenges of IDPs resettled in Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne. Specifically, this study focused on identifying the major forms of human insecurities of the IDPs and recommending ways of alleviating them. The next section briefly presents the situation of ethnic Oromo who were displaced from Ethio-Somali Region.

Ethnic Oromo displaced from Ethio-Somali region
Territorial disputes were common between Ethiopia's Oromia and Somali regions that share a border that extends over 1,400 km. This territorial contest often times leads to disagreements and conflicts over resources such as wells and grazing land. Recently, however, the conflict between the Oromo and the Somali was politically engineered and resulted in the displacement of many Oromo living in the Somali region and on the border of the two regions (Easton-Calabria et al., 2020).
The displaced persons were forced to flee their homes without any warning and escaped without having their assets that help them to save their lives (Dugo & Eisen, 2018;Mekonnen, 2020;Tola, 2019). Because the IDPs are displaced and detached from their assets, livelihoods and networks, they may not easily earn a living (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2021). As a result, most of the IDPs remain in insecure and uncertain conditions, fully needed the support of the government, international humanitarian assistance, and the host community which themselves are often times vulnerable (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2018).
The Ethiopian government planned to respond to the needs of the IDPs in three ways including voluntary return to areas of origin; voluntary integration with host communities; and voluntary resettlement to selected areas. Based on a study conducted in the East Hararghe zone, a majority of the IDPs prefer to be settled within the Oromia Region. Following a phase rehabilitation program, about 86,000 IDPs (14,000 households) were planned to settle in 11 towns in Oromia under phase 1 based on the ongoing IDPs verifications exercise conducted by Haramaya University (United Nations Organization for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2018). Among them, many displaced ethnic Oromo were resettled in 11 cities in central Oromia. These cities are Adama, Batu, Bishan Guracha, Burayu, Bushoftu, Dukam, Gelan, Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Mojo, Sebeta and Sululta (Tola, 2019).
The majority of the IDPs were resettled in the suburb of the towns where infrastructural installation is not yet reached (Mekonnen, 2020). After IDPs are resettled, they have faced various challenges relating to livelihood, health, employment, and education. At the time of resettlement, the government has promised them to fulfill their basic needs, but they would not get everything that had been promised. Although the government is providing them with humanitarian aid such as food, water, shelter, health, education, and other necessary social services, these aids are not sufficient and are not obtained on a time and regular basis. IDPs are unnecessarily reliant on unsustainable assistance and are vulnerable to social, economic, and health-related problems (Kusa, 2019;Negussie, 2020).
The IDPs are facing discrimination, marginalization, and negative labeling from host communities and neighboring community members based on their place of origin and status of displacement. These are noticeable in the form of excluding them from the community meetings and community-based informal self-help organizations such as afosha, and denying them employment opportunities (Kusa, 2019;Negussie, 2020).
In sum, a range of insecurities may limit IDPs from securing their livelihood. Because many IDPs did not have material assets, are new to the environment, and lack integration, they may not be able to build a sustainable livelihood. Further, inequality and discrimination may greatly hinder their access to assets. Longer-term security may also be constrained because State and non-State actors focus more on temporary food aid than on empowering IDPs. The human security of IDPs may also be weakened as a result of a lack of coordination between State and non-State actors who support vulnerable groups. The next section presents the study area and methods of the study.

Study area
The study area is located in Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne. This zone was created by Oromia regional state in 2008 in order to control the urban expansion of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) City to the lands of the surrounding farming community (Tadesse & Imana, 2017). Among the eight towns in the Zone, six towns host the IDPs. These towns include Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Sebeta, Sululta, Burayu, Gelan, and Dukem. situations of IDPs in some towns in the Zone. The dire situation in which the IDPs live initiated the researchers to conduct the study in this area.

Study design and approach
In order to fully grasp the notions of human security challenges of internally displaced persons, exploratory case study was used. According to Yin (2014), exploratory case study is appropriate to gain an extensive and in-depth description of a complex social phenomenon. Case study design and qualitative approach were used in this study because the threats and vulnerabilities associated with displacement are complex and the situations in which IDPs live require an in-depth understanding. Further, the options of using multiple tools in case study was found important for obtaining rich data and better understand these complex issues. Case study is suitable for real-life situations governing social issues and problems. It also helps to collect different kinds of data, such as interviews, observation, and FGD, and provide a comprehensive and in-depth understanding (Harrison et al., 2017;Yin, 2018).

Participants and sampling
The participants of this study were IDPs and officials from the towns, who were selected using purposive sampling technique. Purposive sampling helps to focus in-depth on the phenomena. It was used to explore information-rich cases. With regard to inclusion criteria, IDPs who live in the study area since resettlement, and those who can well express their experiences of displacement were included. Further, leaders of the IDPs such as representatives and community elected elders were chosen for the interviews. Officials who are closely working on matters pertaining to IDPs, especially those in labour and social affairs offices of the towns were chosen for key-informant interviews. The officials were interviewed to obtain information on the protection of human security of the IDPs. After getting entry permission from the mayors' offices of the towns, the corresponding author recruited participants based on their understanding of the subject matter.
Accordingly, a total of 33 IDPs participated in the in-depth interviews. Further, 6 officials participated in the key-informant interviews. The number of participants in the in-depth interviews was limited to 33 as a result of data saturation. Because the sample population is homogenous, this number of cases made the researchers to reach saturation point. Interviews were conducted for about two hours with each participant and the needed information could be obtained. The purpose of limiting the number of key-informants was just to include at least one official from each resettlement town.
Further, two FGDs were conducted with the IDPs. Because a lot of information was obtained through interviews, additional FGDs were not required. Both men and women were included in the FGDs. Among them, some were youth and others were elderly. The participation of women and the elder people enabled to obtain sufficient data on the situations of children, women, and the elderly, who are the most vulnerable in displacement.

Methods of data collection
Under this methodological framework, specific research methods, including in-depth and keyinformant interviews, focus group discussions, and observations, were used for data collection. The in-depth interviews were intended to generate data on the major challenges that the IDPs have faced. Key-informant interviews were conducted to obtain information on the assistances and services provided by the government to protect the IDPs from human security threats. The FGDs were used to supplement the data obtained through interviews and exhaust disputable issues. The observation focused on the livelihood strategies of the IDPs and the environment in which they live.
In-depth interviews and key-informant interviews were conducted with the IDPs in the camps and with officials in their offices respectively. These participants, with their particular knowledge and understanding, provided insight into the nature of the problems and gave recommendations for solutions. The interviews were audio-taped after the consent of the participants was obtained. The data were collected between August and October 2021.

Methods of data analysis
The data were analyzed through a thematic analysis approach. In analyzing the data, the researchers converted the field notes into full-fledged notes, and transcribed the audio recordings of the interviews verbatim into written form. The data were also organized into specific units, words, and sentences. After reading and re-reading the transcripts, the researchers could get a general idea of the major themes that emerge. Writing notes in the margins helped to go back and see which themes emerged from the reading. Looking for similarities and differences between and within the data helped to develop themes and categories. The data were analyzed and compared with secondary data from literature to find out agreements and contradictions.

Ethical considerations
The issues of ethics of research were considered throughout the data collection and analysis processes. Interviews started with explaining the purpose of the study to participants. They were informed about their right to participate and to quit participation any time they want to. They were also given the opportunity to choose places of interviews, ask questions about the study and its procedures, and gave consents to audio-record the interviews. During data analysis and interpretation, any information that harms participants was not disclosed. The next section presents the theoretical background of the study.

Human security theory
Human security is defined by the Commission on Human Security (CHC) as " . . . creating political, social, environmental, economic, military, and cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood, and dignity" (Bayar & Aral, 2019, p. 2). The concept of human security that was first introduced in the 1994 Human Development Report highlights two core components. These are freedom from fear and freedom from want. Freedom from fear entails the protection of people from threats such as physical violence, armed conflicts, and war through various measures including the design of peacebuilding architecture. On the other hand, freedom from want requires liberation from non-violent threats to people's welfare and dignities such as poverty, malnutrition, diseases, environmental degradation, and others (Woldetsadik, 2018).
Human security theory underlines the concepts of "freedom from fear" and "freedom from want." The issue of freedom from fear is narrower than the issue of freedom from want. Freedom from fear seeks to understand human security as protecting individuals from violent conflicts while at the same time seeing these threats as strongly associated with poverty, lack of state capacity, and other forms of inequities. Freedom from want seeks to extend threats to include hunger, poverty, disease, and natural environmental disasters because they are inseparable concepts to address the root of insecurity and they also typically kill far more people than war, genocide, and terrorism combined. This concept is broader as it transcends the issue of violence against individuals to underline human social and economic development as the optimum way to protect individual security (Hanlon & Christie, 2016).
Human security comprises seven dimensions such as economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security (Oana, 2016). Economic security refers to an assured basic income. Food security is about people's access to food and enough food to go around. Health security implies people's access to healthrelated services. Environmental security is about efforts to protect people from the long-term effects of human-made and natural disasters. Personal security describes security from physical and moral violence. Community security is about security or a sense of belonging to a particular group by being a member of that group. Political security refers to respect for the basic human rights of individuals (Hanlon & Christie, 2016).
Referring to the 1994 Human Development Report, Szpak (2015) explains human security in terms of its emphasis on people, their lives, their functioning in society, their autonomy, access to the market, and social opportunities. It is also concerned with the state of peace which is a necessary condition for human security. "Human security means living in peace and safety in one's State, in which people enjoy human rights and fundamental freedoms without any discrimination. People must be capable of meeting their social needs and realize their plans and aspirations." (Szpak, 2015, p. 123) According to Jacobs (2016), human security covers the whole range of human needs for survival, growth, and development, not simply the need for physical protection from aggression. Protection and empowerment guarantee people live in safety and dignity (Etim et al., 2018). Ahsan (2016) asserts that greater security threat emanates from disease, poverty, hunger, environmental disasters, and so forth, as well as from a state's own territory rather than from external countries. He further noted that security threats can come from another state in the form of war. They may also come internally through political repression, a failing government, bad governance, or natural disasters, such as a tsunami or an earthquake.
The dominant literature on forced displacement highly underlines issues such as humanitarian assistance, return of refugees and internally displaced persons, as well as peace building process of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction. As a result, the needs and concerns of local stakeholders, communities, and the most vulnerable groups such as IDPs have been paid little attention in forced displacement literature. As the focus of liberal peace has been directed toward the state, elites, and international actors, human security has been demoted to a secondary position (Etim et al., 2018;Muguruza & Amado, 2017;Schnabel, 2014). Therefore, this study used human security approach to analyze the challenges of internally displaced persons, and contributes to human security and displacement literature.

Economic insecurity
Based on interviews and FGDs, unemployment is a major source of economic insecurity of the IDPs. Employment opportunities are either inadequate or not available at all. IDPs cannot easily get formal jobs even if they are qualified for the jobs. To be hired, they are required to submit a land certificate as a warrant or to come up with a guarantor. This is difficult for them as they do not have any asset, or they do not know people who can be a guarantor for them. Some private companies employed IDPs, but most of them were either resigned or fired because of a lack of social understanding and integration. As they do have little access to the formal labor market, they are irregularly and temporarily employed in construction or domestic service sectors. Disagreement with employers and difficulty to adapt to the work culture of the host community forced them to quit their jobs and impacted their livelihood security. The findings of this study contradict with what Landau et al. (2016) concluded. These authors concluded that cities offer displaced people safety and economic opportunity. However, this is not always true as most of the IDPs in the study area are facing economic problems and their living conditions are not safer.
IDPs and host communities compete for manual labor jobs which are scarce. Lack of jobs made a living very challenging, especially for IDPs. Host communities have better access to basic services and employment opportunities compared to IDPs. It seems that IDPs could not easily have these opportunities because of their lack of social networks, their dependence on temporary assistance from the government, and their challenges in accessing formal and informal labor markets.
Based on interviews and observation, the IDPs engage in street vending activities. They sell vegetables and khat (Catha edulis), a stimulant that alters mood. They get vegetables from the farming communities in the adjacent areas and they receive khat from Hararghe, a place in Eastern Ethiopia. The IDPs compete with host communities while selling vegetables on the streets. This competition for securing livelihood has become one of the sources of tension between the IDPs and their hosts. This finding is consistent with what Yigzaw and Abitew (2019) found. They found that strain arises between IDPs and host communities as IDPs over-burden community services, resources, and jobs or livelihood opportunities. This implies that continuous tensions may undermine the process of social integration of the IDPs.
Key-informant interviews and FGDs revealed that IDPs were provided with interest-free loans. Oromia Disaster Risk Management Commission has provided these loans through the Oromia Credit Bureau. The money is distributed to business groups of five consisting of families and/or friends over 18. Each member in the group has received 20 thousand Ethiopian birr (ETB). In addition, sheds have been constructed and given to IDPs. However, most of them have not succeeded in securing livelihood due to various reasons. Firstly, as they received the loan in times of serious food scarcity, they used it to buy food items. Secondly, the sheds they were allocated to trade-in were too remote from passing trade to make a profitable business. Thirdly, lack of skills training has made many IDPs out of business. Most of the sheds are now closed because people have no capital to operate a business. Further, FGDs participants revealed that during the lockdown measures following the COVID-19 pandemic, IDPs lost income due to restricted movement and reduced access to markets. As the IDPs are new to the work environment of the resettlement areas, without adequate loan and skills training as well as suitable place for market, it is very challenging for them to transform their livelihoods.
According to key-informants from the mayors' offices, in most of the towns, publicly funded safety nets or social safety nets are not available for the IDPs. Urban safety nets have been provided for 29 towns in the Oromia region. These safety nets aim at assisting the urban destitute. However, among the six towns in Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne, urban safety nets are available only in Burayu and Sebeta. Even in those towns where safety-net programs are planned, safety nets have not yet been commenced. The participants discussed that lack of safety-nets exacerbated their economic problems. In line with this, Oliveira (2020) noted that the economically impoverished people including IDPs may experience extreme vulnerability unless supported by safety-net programs. Publicly-funded safety nets may help as a last resort to improve economic security.
Based on in-depth interviews and FGDs, the other source of economic insecurity is economic marginalization. The IDPs are not equally treated concerning access to job opportunities. Host communities have a better opportunity of getting jobs even in manual labor jobs. Kusa (2019) also found that IDPs are marginalized and discriminated against by civil servants in public services areas. Participants revealed that employers complain that the IDPs chew khat leaves the whole night and cannot wake up early in the morning to attend work. Further, employers from ethnic groups other than Oromo prefer host communities because the IDPs cannot speak Amharic language. They are discriminated against not only in access to jobs but also with regard to payment. They complain that they are paid lower than host communities for the same manual labor job and argue with employers over the issue of payment. In line with these findings, Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (2018) stated that IDPs are often forced to accept lower-paid, insecure employment, and the drop in income may jeopardize their ability to meet their most basic health, housing, and education needs.
The IDPs are being discriminated against from securing their livelihood due to their IDP status or their place of origin. With regard to discrimination based on status and place of origin, a FGD participant in Sebeta stated: . . . our friend sold his land in Somali region and bought a Bajaj to give motorcycle transportation service in this town. But, he was forced to quit the service because Bajaj drivers in the neighboring community were not happy to see him competing with them. He was discriminated due to his place of origin. Finally, the person sold the Bajaj to his relatives in Hararghe. In the same way, a disabled woman who bought a Bajaj to give transportation service was forced to quit the service.
Economic marginalization has become a source of human insecurity in the study area as it prevents the IDPs from meeting their basic needs. As marginalized people most often lack empowerment, they tend to suffer the worst forms of human insecurity. The consequences of marginalization can be sever for the most vulnerable in displacement, such as women, older people, and disabled persons.
Most of the IDPs whose schooling and education have been disrupted due to displacement cannot resume their education for economic reasons. They prefer to be engaged in some livelihood activities due to critical economic problems. Further, although education is free of charge, many children are not attending school because of the problem of sending children to school without food and the distance of the schools. In Burayu, Dukem, Sebeta, and Sululta, schools are found distant from the camps. The disruption of education tends to affect the future livelihood and economic security outcomes. In line with this finding, Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (2018) noted that lack of education can reduce children's potential earnings and livelihood opportunities as adults, creating a poverty trap that endures even after displacement.
The IDPs lack access to income generating activities. Unemployment and underemployment, insecure working conditions, economic marginalization, and lack of access to social safety nets are the major factors responsible for the economic insecurity of the IDPs. Further, the IDPs revealed that they are afraid of not being able to find jobs. Therefore, based on the micro-level human security index by Bambals (2015), the IDPs in the study area may be considered economically insecure.
The findings show that many IDPs migrated to Oromia-Somali border areas as a result of economic insecurity in the resettlement towns. These IDPs were exposed to secondary migration. It is important to note here that the IDPs migrate to areas from where they had been displaced. This shows that the IDPs could return to their place of displacement if the government would be committed to peacebuilding activities in the areas of displacement. Further, this finding supports the findings of Regassa (2019) that the conflict between the Oromo and the Somali was politically instigated. The findings further show that the IDPs migrate not only due to scarcity of jobs but also to find better jobs. Migration offers opportunities for accessing cash and employment, and helps improve future livelihood and economic security. However, exposure to repeated migration can be challenging to the migrants. Further, as most of the migrants are heads of households, missing them are challenging for children and wives.

Food insecurity
Food insecurity is also a major challenge for the IDPs. A large number of the IDPs do not have access to sufficient food. They are forced to reduce their food consumption due to scarcity of food. They were provided with a monthly 15 kilogram of food items per person. Currently, they are not being provided with any kind of food ration. Kusa (2019) also found that IDPs were in a critical food shortage even before the food ration has been quitted. With regard to food scarcity, a woman in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo stated "Our food problems are very serious these days. There are more people who sleep without food than those who get food. It has been two years since the government stopped giving us food ration." The government stopped providing food ration for the IDPs without any warning and before ensuring that the IDPs are self-sustained. This measure complicated the problems of the IDPs and exposed them to severe food problem.
Based on key-informant interviews, the IDPs cope by sharing food. They also respond to problems relating to food through sever coping strategies such as reducing the number of meals they eat per day. With regard to this, a key informant in Burayu said: "we allow women and children twice a day but we eat once." Sometimes, begging is used by some IDPs as a means of getting food especially by children and the elderly. There are IDPs who are engaged on begging in towns like Finfinne, Sendafa, Burayu, Sebeta, and Dukem. In line with this, Maru (2017) and Kusa (2019) also found that IDPs in urban areas often resort to begging. This shows that the IDPs often use negative coping strategies because they have limited opportunities to cope through income generating activities.
Orphans and elders are highly affected by a lack of food. Some elders have no children who support them when they were starving. Some children drop out of school due to a lack of food. FGD participants in Sebeta told a story of a mother who hides herself from her children who are crying for food. Participants in Gelan also told a story of a mother who put a pot with water on oven and deceive her small children until they get asleep because she could not feed them. Further, a FGD participant in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo stated: "I am an old person and I eat taking food from neighbors. Our children have nothing to eat. They sit and beg on the street. We are completely ignored by the government." A key informant in Sebeta also stated: "hunger is a very serious problem. There are orphans in this camp. There are also elders whose age is more than 65 years and who could not work as daily laborers. These people are starving." Post displacement situations are very challenging especially for children and older people because they cannot easily get food by engaging on livelihood activities due to their age.
The findings of this study show that scarcity of food has complicated the vulnerability of the IDPs. These findings confirm the conclusion of Cotroneo (2017) that individual characteristics like gender, age, and disability determine the way people are affected by internal displacement and their capacity to cope with it.
Availability of food is not a problem. Different food items including fruits and vegetables are produced in areas adjoining the towns and are available in the market. Food security is both physical and economic access to food. However, due to lack of income, the IDPs do not have access to these food items.
Lack of access to social services is another source of insecurity in relation to food. The town administrations have provided central water stations in the resettlement area to give the IDPs access to a free water supply. However, in Dukem, Sebeta, Burayu, and Sululta, water is scarce and the IDPs are not getting water regularly. Lack of access to water has impacted their food utilization. Sanitation problems are very serious in camps with water scarcity. According to keyinformants, the foods the IDPs eat may not be properly prepared or cooked. This shows that inability to get an adequate diet together with poor access to water and sanitation has made the nutritional well-being of the IDPs to become worse.
Based on key-informant interviews and FGDs, electricity services are available and a large number of households have individual electric counters. However, IDPs in some towns could not pay their bill after the government quitted paying for them. They use electricity for cooking because they cannot afford to buy firewood or charcoal. In Lege Dadi LegeTafo, Sebeta, and Dukem, host communities blame IDPs for stealing firewood from their village. This was one of the sources of tension between the two groups.
The IDPs have problems with regard to food accessibility, utilization, and stability. They cannot afford to buy adequate food due to economic problems and the rising cost of living. Further, the IDPs are afraid of staying without food. Therefore, based on the micro-level human security index by Bambals (2015), the IDPs tend to be food insecure.

Health insecurity
The towns' administrations have provided free healthcare for the IDPs. However, in all towns, access to healthcare is limited. Children and women are not getting better medical treatment. Women give birth at home due to a lack of access to ambulance services. Some women suffered while giving birth at home because of too much bleeding. In some resettlement towns such as Sebeta and Lugu camp in Sululta, ambulances and other vehicles cannot enter the camps to take sick persons to health centers because the roads are bad. This challenge is the result of poorly planned resettlement programs. It indicates that the IDPs are resettled in areas where infrastructural facilities are poor and access to basic social services is very difficult.
According to in-depth interviews and FGDs, the IDPs cannot afford paying for health care services. They go to health care centers only when they are seriously sick. They buy drugs from private pharmacies at higher prices which most of them cannot afford. The clinics that were constructed in most of the resettlement camps are now closed. In Merisa camp in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, about five IDPs died as a result of a lack of medical treatment. In most of the towns, health centers are far from the camps. The health care services provided for the IDPs were not adequate and sustainable. The provision of free medical treatment alone cannot improve the health security of the IDPs unless supported by free and adequate drug supplies.
Based on observation and interviews, the IDPs are not protected from vulnerability to diseases and unhealthy lifestyles. Their shelter is very cold at night and hot in daylight as it was made from a corrugated iron sheet. They could not easily adapt to the climate of the towns. As they came from desert areas, they could not easily resist the cold weather. Key-informants revealed that in Sebeta about 27 IDPs died due to the common cold. Some people are paralyzed due to the cold. The shelters constructed for the IDPs are of poor quality and did not consider their health security. IDPs rights to live in clean and safe environment has not been given full consideration by the stakeholders who assisted these vulnerable groups.
In Sebeta, Sululta, and Gelan, children and women who live by selling plastic bottles are vulnerable to diseases as they collect the bottles in rivers and dirty areas. In Sebeta, children spend more hours on the streets. They eat leftovers from hotels and restaurants. Some children are beaten by unknown individuals in the town. As the children spend more hours on the streets collecting plastic bottles and begging for food in hotels and restaurants, they may not have time to go to schools. This may affect the education of the children and also their awareness on hygiene and health.
Based on in-depth interviews and observation, the camps do not have enough toilets and places to dispose waste materials. The toilets in most of the camps are not clean and user-friendly. In addition, the waste disposal culture of the IDPs is poor. In the words of a key informant in Burayu, "the toilets are bad. Liquid waste sprinkles on our body while we defecate." Inadequate latrines and lack of proper waste disposal system might be the reason for poor sanitation in most of the resettlement areas.
About hygiene, a woman in Sululta stated: "we have hygiene problems due to scarcity of water and inability to afford to buy soap. Children of the host community discriminate our children in schools due to their poor hygiene." According to a key informant in Gelan, "health extension workers are employed in the town to give orientation for pregnant women and to educate the people about hygiene. However, they are not properly serving the community." Scarcity of water may force the IDPs to focus on getting water for drinking and cooking, and as a result, they may neglect water usage for bathing and washing. This may contribute to poor personal hygiene which is one of the indicators of health insecurity of the IDPs. Scarcity of water for consumption and proper hygiene practices means that the IDPs are largely exposed to health problems.
The findings of this study show that the IDPs have been largely exposed to threats to their health security such as lack of medical assistance services and poor hygiene and sanitation. These findings confirm what Kirbyshire et al. (2017) found that forced and extended displacement is associated with problems of inadequate hygiene and sanitation. Further, the findings of this study are consistent with the findings of Schnabel (2014) that the deterioration of medical assistance services is one of the threats IDPs face in urban areas.
The other source of health insecurity is related to malnutrition. Based on in-depth interviews, the IDPs do not get access to adequate food both in terms of quantity and quality. Particularly, children and pregnant women are not provided with nutritious food. Obviously, access to food and health conditions of people is related. Poor nutritional condition may undermine the growth of children and also negatively affect their health. Poor nutrition in adults may also weaken productivity and prevent them from improving the livelihood of the household.
According to key-informants from the mayors' offices, the provision of social services is not adequate due to the limited capacity of the towns. Further, in-depth interviews revealed that the IDPs blame the administrations for favoring the host communities with regard to access to basic social services. Poor nutrition, unsafe living environments, and lack of access to basic services such as safe water and health-related services have made the health conditions of the IDPs to deteriorate. As the IDPs are afraid of not getting adequate medical aid for their illness, they may be exposed to threats to health security.

Environmental insecurity
The environment is less secure in all the resettlement areas. The most serious challenge in relation to environmental security is scarcity of water. In Sebeta and Dukem, the IDPs buy water from the host communities because the host communities have better access to drinking water. In the words of a key informant in Sebeta: "we are not being treated equally with the host community. For example, they have better access to drinking water. We drink water from a water tank. The tank is not cleaned regularly. Unless cleaned, the tank may host bacteria." In line with this, Ratner (2018) found that the degradation of the provision of services such as food and clean water often causes significant harm to human security.
With regard to shelter, the IDP households received a private resettlement house with documents confirming their tenancy. However, the shelters are poorly built. The walls and roofs of the shelters are made from corrugated iron. In Burayu and Sululta, the floors are muddy and dusty. The IDPs are being bitted by fleas especially at night. In Sululta, the IDPs cannot sleep on the floor during summer because it is wet. The provision of shelter has largely contributed to the human security of the IDPs. However, poor quality shelter has negatively affected the health of the IDPs. This shows that the various forms of human insecurity are interrelated as unsafe and unclean environment can result in health problems.
In Burayu, the floors of the toilets are made from wood without enough concrete. The toilets are very risky for the health and lives of the IDPs. Further, in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Sululta, Burayu, and Sebeta, the holes dug for latrine have been left uncovered and are risky for the lives of children. Based on key-informant interviews, one child in Burayu, one in Sebeta, and two children in Sululta died falling into a hole dug for latrine. In Burayu, the floors of some toilets are damaged because they are carelessly constructed. According to a FGD participant, "there are holes which are prepared for latrine and left uncovered. A child fall down into it and died last time. We reported to the concerned bodies to fill the holes but there is no response. We share toilet with the host community. It is not enough because there are many households." This shows that the assistance provided for the IDPs was focused on temporary life-saving activities, and it was not sustainable to address risks faced by the IDPs and to protect them from any future threat.
Based on observation, the internal roads are not comfortable in most of the camps. In Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Sululta, Sebeta, and Dukem, internal roads are swampy during rainy seasons, and it is difficult to walk on. The drainage systems are also poor. The only camp with an internal road covered with cobblestones is the one in Gelan. In line with this, Mekonnen (2020) also found that the majority of the IDPs were resettled at the suburb areas of the towns where infrastructural installation is not yet reached. The results of this study reveal that poor infrastructural facilities contributed to the insecurities of the IDPs among others. This aspect seems the outcome of structural violence.
The IDPs do not have places to dispose waste materials. In Sululta and Gelan, the IDPs throw solid waste in the camp compounds. Sewerage networks are also poor in Burayu, Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, and Sululta. In Burayu, liquid waste flows into the camp from the toilets of the host community in the condominium houses and is highly affecting the IDPs' health. Tensions most often arise between the IDPs and the host communities each time the IDPs try to block the canal to stop the flow of liquid waste into their camps. Further, the IDPs and the host communities argue overthrowing solid waste in ditches and at the gate of people. This shows that the provision of poor-quality housing and infrastructure tends to affect relations between IDPs and their hosts and undermine social integration. Some IDPs are resettled in an insecure environment. The IDPs in Burayu and Sebeta are vulnerable to floods. In Melka Gefersa camp in Burayu, the shelters are built close to a river and the land is also hilly. The IDPs fear that floods will harm them. The IDPs in Sebeta also revealed the risk of trees falling on people due to the floods. This shows that post displacement threats and vulnerabilities are largely related to lack of properly planned resettlement programs for the IDPs and lack of attention from various stakeholders to follow up the IDPs to assess their future challenges.
The IDPs in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo and Sebeta cut the woods of the host communities and use them for cooking and heating. This created tension between the two groups. In line with this, Mekonnen (2020) also found that conflict over local resources is common between the IDPs and their hosts. In Lege Dadi LegeTafo, the town administration sometimes provides the IDPs with charcoal. Providing the IDPs with an alternative source of energy may ease the tension between them and their hosts. Further, it can reduce environmental degradation.
The IDPs lack access to clean environment. They have faced serious threats to their living environment. Water scarcity and water pollution, fear of flood in some camps, and environmental pollution are the major sources of environmental insecurities that threaten their lives. Further, the IDPs are afraid of increased environmental pollution. Therefore, exposure to environmental threats tends to be a serious challenge to the IDPs.

Personal insecurity
Concerning personal security, some forms of physical violence are experienced by the IDPs in most of the towns. In Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, for example, the IDPs were beaten by security forces for appearing on the street in the evening. The cases of women IDPs physically harmed by security forces while doing informal business on the streets of the towns are revealed by in-depth interview participants in Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Burayu, and Sebeta. In Sebeta, children are beaten at schools by the children of the host community, and on the streets by unidentified persons. These findings are consistent with the notion of Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (2019) that the most affected by displacement are women, children, and other vulnerable groups who may be subject to violence. Because of unfamiliarity to the resettlement place and their status, IDPs may face personal insecurity especially in the early period of their settlement.
In addition to physical violence, the IDPs in some camps have experienced moral violence. In some towns, civil servants and some host communities discourage them to the extent that their work morale is diminished. There is a stereotyping that the IDPs chew khat leaves the whole day and that they do not like work. The IDPs are perceived by the host communities as impatient and also abnormal for laud and rapid speaking. In the words of one of the informants, "They call us 'warra Soomaalee,' (those from Somalia) although we are Oromo who are displaced from Somali Region." This might be related to lack of commitment on the part of the local authorities to create awareness among the host communities and to facilitate social integration.
In relation to personal security, only one case of suicide has been reported by the IDPs. Regarding this issue, FGD participants in Dukem reported that an IDP hanged himself in his shelter and died because his children had been starving to death. This shows the severity of food scarcity and the economic problems that the IDPs are facing. It further shows interactions among the various forms of human insecurities such as food insecurity, economic insecurity, health insecurity, and personal insecurity.
Physical and moral violence by security forces and some individuals in the host communities is a threat to the personal security of the IDPs. Threats directed at children at schools and on the streets are other sources of personal insecurity for the IDPs. Further, the IDPs are afraid of suffering an accident, especially traffic accident if they send small children to school. As a result, their personal security is threatened.

Community insecurity
Based on key-informant interviews and FGDs, community security is better relative to other forms of human security. This might be because the IDPs and the majority of the host communities share language and many cultural aspects. The IDPs are also free to practice and maintain their cultural identity. In cases of tensions between the IDPs and their hosts, the representatives and elders of the IDPs meet with elders of the host communities and engage in dialogue to manage the tensions. This communal approach to peacebuilding which results from the moral authority exercised by the communal group over its members tends to be essential for peaceful relation between the two communities.
Although community security is better relative to other forms of human security, the IDPs have encountered some threats to community security. In Lege Dadi Lege Tafo, Sebeta, and Burayu, some people in the host communities trigger conflict between the IDPs and their hosts hoping that the IDPs would be relocated to other areas. Further, some people want to create divisions along religious lines. However, the IDPs often choose to manage their tensions with the host communities. In the words of one of the FGD participants: "we do not want to fight over religion. People can change their religion but they cannot change their ethnic identity. Our brothers and sisters are slaughtered by the Somali although we share the same religion. We and the host community are Oromo and have the same blood. We think they are good for us than anyone else. That is why we came to live here." Further, a key informant in Gelan stated: " . . . some individuals in the host community tried to create religious conflict between IDPs and host community. They misinformed both sides so that they would fight. However, a representative of the Qerro (Oromo youth) in the town managed the attempts to divide the people and to create chaos in the town." The relationship between host communities and IDPs is largely positive due to a shared culture and language. However, differences in religious background sometimes created tensions between the two groups.
In Dukem, some members of the host community falsely accused the IDPs of burning churches following the detention of a famous politician-activist, Jawar Mohammed. This created tension between the two groups. However, through dialogue, they have come to the understanding that they are all Oromo and they are one people. In line with these findings, Saferworld (2014) found that community security processes create an opportunity for dialogue between and among representatives of various groups who meet and constructively discuss the best ways to address grievances, diffuse tensions and agree on appropriate initiatives and responses.
In Burayu, the IDPs faced some challenges from the host community while constructing their mosque. They also had some conflict with the town administration as the administration was not willing to provide them with land for building a mosque. This finding confirms the finding of Haysom (2013) that the level of threats people face is determined by issues of identity such as religion.
As the majority of the IDPs are Muslims, some people in the host communities fear that the IDPs may convert their members to Islam. Further, host communities blame the IDPs for expanding the norm of chewing khat. This finding is consistent with the findings of Cotroneo (2017) that host communities may feel threatened by IDPs bringing a different language, religion, or culture into their communities. On the other hand, Muslim IDPs are threatened that people in the host communities may convert their members into another religion. In the words of a community elected elder in Gelan, "There are two protestant churches near our camp. The Protestants invited some IDPs into their church saying that they would give them food aid. This is the result of hunger. A person whose child is starving to death may enter a fire let alone a church. These people are trying to convert our people into Protestant." The IDPs feel that they belong to their linguistic and cultural group and are freely exercising their cultural rights. However, because of the new way of life in the towns and distance from the place of origin, their indigenous groups are not providing them with the necessary social support. In addition, as they are afraid of suffering from host communities' unequal attitude, their community security is to some extent threatened. In line with this finding, Schnabel (2014) noted that social inequality is one of the major challenges IDPs face when they live with host communities in urban areas.

Political insecurity
Threats of political violence such as political repression exist in some towns. In one of the resettlement towns, police officers from the kebele (smaller administrative unit), threaten the IDPs with imprisonment for reporting their problems to the town's administration. In the words of a FGD participant, "We all are equal before the law. We have the right to report our problems to the town administration. However, when we go to mayor's office, the police officers get angry and threaten us." Further, the police officers from the kebele snatch the land of the IDPs which is reserved for different purposes such as building school, recreation place, and for religious purposes. Due to fear of persecution from local police officers, the IDPs may not communicate their threats and vulnerabilities to the concerned authorities. This may further complicate the challenges that they face.
The IDPs have restrictions to form self-help associations because security forces do not allow them as they suspect them of affiliating with an armed opposition group. Police officers offend the representatives of the IDPs saying they are supporters of an armed opposition group. Further, in some camps, the IDPs who are affiliated with the ruling party and recognized by the town administrations are oppressing other IDPs. Restricting IDPs from forming or joining associations may prevent them from solving their own problems through such associations. This may violate their rights to participate in matters that affect them.
In three of the camps, key-informants revealed that security forces do not trust the IDPs. They blame them for sheltering members of an armed opposition group. Sometimes, security officers make an accidental search in the camp and the shelters. The finding of this study is consistent with the theoretical literature that threats to human security may also come from the government itself in the form of structural violence such as political repression and marginalization (Ahsan, 2016).
In some camps, security forces wanted to isolate the IDPs from outsiders. No stranger is allowed to enter the camps and the IDP militias are expected to watch strangers seriously. In some camps, non-State actors are not allowed to enter the camps to assist the IDPs without the permission of security forces. This may prevent non-State actors from assisting the IDPs, and also indicates lack of coordinated efforts among different stakeholders assisting the IDPs.
The findings of this study show that political oppression is common among the IDPs. This form of structural violence is a major threat to the human security of the IDPs as it prevents them from guaranteeing their survival, livelihood, and dignity. The IDPs basic rights are being violated due to political repression and systematic suffering. They revealed that they are afraid of suffering from economic and/or political crises and not being able to freely exercise political views. Therefore, they tend to be politically insecure. In line with these findings, Shiferaw (2014) also found that political violence is among the core human security threats in Ethiopia.

Conclusion
Social structural sources of human insecurity like unemployment, poverty, hunger, inequalities, and pollution as well as institutional sources of human insecurity such as oppression and political repression were the major challenges encountered by the IDPs. Freedom from want of the IDPs has been threatened as they do not have adequate access to jobs, food, healthrelated services, and clean environments. The IDPs freedom from fear has also been threatened due to personal, community, and political menace. These are the outcomes of structural factors that affect human life much more than direct violence such as war and crime. The major sources of human insecurities are largely related to lack of social protection, lack of government's commitment to address structural violence such as marginalization and discrimination, and lack of social integration. The dominant literature on forced displacement focuses on State security and downplays the issue of human security. This article contributes to the literature because it can offer insight into the major sources of human insecurities that affect the lives of the most vulnerable groups such as IDPs. It further provides relevant information on the need to address both structural and institutional sources of human insecurity. Further research is needed to illuminate the relationship between resettlement and social integration of IDPs in urban areas vis-à-vis its contribution to human security.

Recommendations
Stakeholders such as government, private sector actors, and civil society organizations need to collaborate on addressing the human security challenges of the IDPs through improved access to market and infrastructure, support for livelihoods, access to adequate loan and formal safety nets, access to basic social services, employment and empowerment, and skills training. The local authorities and host communities should assist the IDPs to successfully integrate. The government should pay attention to the improvement of social, political, and economic infrastructures that address inequality. In addition, before resettling IDPs, the government should conduct an adequate assessment regarding where and how to resettle them. IDPs should be resettled where they can easily access economic and social opportunities, and freely interact with the host communities.