Dhibaayyuu: An indigenous thanks giving ritual among the Borana Oromo, Southern Ethiopia

Abstract Indigenous knowledge (Ik) is the knowledge that indigenous peoples are leading their livelihood and also they learnt it from the actual practices during their day to day life. Traditionally the Indigenous knowledge was considered as worthless and anybody have had criticizing it. But, currently the reality is promulgated by different scholars as the indigenous knowledge is very crucial in day to day life of indigenous peoples. Among the different aspects of indigenous knowledge, one is Indigenous ritual; which is conducted by indigenous peoples for very different reasons. By considering the importance of indigenous ritual, this work primarily focuses on dhibaayyuu as an indigenous thanksgiving ritual among the Borana Oromo of southern Ethiopia. Dhibaayyuu ritual is historically and functionally linked to the Oromo Gadaa system in general and Waaqeffannaa practices of the Oromo in particular. The data for this paper were collected from primary sources through observations, interviews and focus group discussions and secondary sources were also used to supplement primary data collected during field work. Finally, data recorded were analyzed and interpreted qualitatively based on historical research methodology. The finding of this work indicated that dhibaayyuu ritual practice among the Borana Oromo has been survived to date with its ritual procedures serving as thanks giving (galata) to Waaqa for good things done for them and praying (kadhaa) for the future to be the year of prosperous, fertility and peace for their livestock and people. Moreover, beyond thanks giving and pray, the finding of this paper further indicated that dhibaayyuu plays a pivotal role in peace building and coaching the young generation about Safuu of the Borana Oromo that imbedded in Oromo Gadaa system.

Abstract: Indigenous knowledge (Ik) is the knowledge that indigenous peoples are leading their livelihood and also they learnt it from the actual practices during their day to day life. Traditionally the Indigenous knowledge was considered as worthless and anybody have had criticizing it. But, currently the reality is promulgated by different scholars as the indigenous knowledge is very crucial in day to day life of indigenous peoples. Among the different aspects of indigenous knowledge, one is Indigenous ritual; which is conducted by indigenous peoples for very different reasons. By considering the importance of indigenous ritual, this work primarily focuses on dhibaayyuu as an indigenous thanksgiving ritual among the Borana Oromo of southern Ethiopia. Dhibaayyuu ritual is historically and functionally linked to the Oromo Gadaa system in general and Waaqeffannaa practices of the Oromo in particular. The data for this paper were collected from primary sources through observations, interviews and focus group discussions and secondary sources were also used to supplement primary data collected during field work. Finally, data recorded were analyzed and interpreted qualitatively based on historical research methodology. The finding of this work indicated that dhibaayyuu ritual practice among the Borana Oromo has been survived to date with its ritual procedures serving as thanks giving (galata) to Waaqa for good things done for them and praying (kadhaa) for the future to be the year of prosperous, fertility and peace for their livestock and people. Moreover, beyond thanks giving and pray, the finding of Gebeyehu Temesgen Duressa ABOUT THE AUTHOR Gebeyehu Temesgen Duressa is a senior lecturer in the department of History and Heritage Management at Bule Hora University, Southern Ethiopia. His research interests are Ethiopian history, cultural studies and Indigenous knowledge among others. He has authored and published one article on Cogent Social Sciences. Contact: E-mail gebtemesgenoro@gmail.com, Phone: 251965493373

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
Indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that indigenous peoples are leading their livelihood and also learnt from the actual practices during their day to day life. Among the different aspects of Indigenous knowledge, one is Indigenous ritual; which is conducted by indigenous peoples for different purposes at different times. As an indigenous people of Ethiopia, the Borana Oromo has numerous indigenous rituals. Dhibaayyuu is one example of such indigenous ritual. Although the ritual has its own significances for the people of the study area, previous researchers did not give attention to investigate the role of dhibayyuu. It is from this background that the author tried to study indigenous thanks giving ritual among the Borana Oromo with special reference to dhibayyuu. The findings of study also indicate that dhibayyuu ritual has real significance in inter-community peace-building and sustaining social solidarity and integration.

Introduction
Borana Oromo are part of the larger Oromo national group which constitutes about 40%-50% of Ethiopia's population and inhabits a peripheral region that includes the strategic borders of Ethiopia, Kenya and Somali since the remote past. After the conquest of the area by Ethiopian imperial state in last decade of 19 th century however, the pastoral populations of the Borana Oromo experienced major political, economic, cultural and ecological changes including boundary delimitation that bisected Borana Oromo between Ethiopian and British-Kenyan Jurisdiction in 1907. This resulted in the categorization of the same stock of people into separate citizenships the Borana of Ethiopia and the Borana of Kenya (Bizuneh, 2008).
This study emphasized on the Borana Oromo of Ethiopia who currently inhabits Oromia Regional State in the southern part of the country. Borana Oromo of the study area are followers of indigenous religion known as Waaqeffannaa. Waaqeffannaa is a religion based on belief in one God known to the Oromo as Waaqa which according to the Oromo is the creator of the entire universe. The Oromo belief of the existence of Waaqa is based on observing what they call His works, such as the presence of various seasons, rain, sun, darkness, growing of crops, existence of water bodies, mountains, trees and other living things. Contrary to Christianity, Islam, and other religions, Waaqeffannaa does not require the construction of religious houses for the worship of Waaqa or for thanking Him for his good deeds. Instead, the Oromo who are followers of Waaqeffannaa thank Waaqa by travelling to natural physical bodies such as rivers, lakes, forests and mountains, which they believe are created by Waaqa Himself. Some of them also follow Islam and Christian religion. However, Islam and Christian religion is not deep rooted in the society's tradition (J. Geda Gemechu, 2013).
There are different kinds of rituals performed at different times and places by the Borana Oromo. Gadamoojjii, Hulluqqoo, Maq-baasa and Dhibayyuu are some of the examples. Among others, this article focuses on dhibayyuu ritual which is performed annually as marker of Borana Oromo New Year. The ritual takes place yearly at Malkaa (ford) or under Odaa tree through sacrifice and libation in the hope that dhibayyuu brings about peace and harmony in the society as a whole. Dhibayyuu is a very important ritual performance in Oromo culture in general and the Borana Oromo in particular. Qaalluu (spiritual leader) determines and sets the exact date of the ritual. Moreover, Gadaa leaders facilitate the ceremony by mobilizing the community to attend the ceremony. On the day of dhibayyuu celebration, sacrificial activities, blessing and conflict resolution are performed. Such and other relevant aspects and outcomes of the ritual attracted the attention of the present researcher (Kasim,1999).
The study has employed qualitative approach, descriptive research design and data production techniques. Since ritual in thanks giving and social integration is the central point of the study, ethnographic methods of data collection were used to collect, analyze and interpret the data. In field research on ritual, observation, interview and focus group discussion are the usual correctives against stereotyping, projecting and other ways of misunderstanding data. Therefore, three methods were used for successful accomplishment of this study. These are: Participant Observation, interview and focus group discussion. These three methods contributed to the achievements of the goals of the study.
Regarding participation, the researcher attended and observed all pertinent ritual events and celebrants from the beginning to the end with exception of few events which allowed only ritual leaders to participate. The researcher took notes, captured pictures and recorded audio while the ritual activities were going on. In depth interview was a method of qualitative data collection which the researcher applied to generate relevant data. Field guiders facilitated the informants contact and access at different occasions, places and times. The researcher purposefully selected the Gadaa leaders and their councilors who are believed to be rich in knowledge of Gadaa system and its ritual practices. Focus Group Discussion (FGD) was also used to gather relevant data for this paper. This method is usually exploratory in nature and is used to discover the underlying sentiment or attitudes towards the topic under discussion. It is a good way to gather together people from similar backgrounds or experience to discuss specific topic of interest. Therefore, for the purpose of this research, the researcher selected two groups each constituting six individuals reasonably depending on their experience and knowledge.

The meaning and process of Dhibayyuu ritual
There are different types of indigenous rituals performed by the Borana Oromo at different time and places for different purposes. Among others Dhibayyuu ritual is an indigenous ritual that is commonly celebrated by indigenous peoples of the Borana Oromo of southern Ethiopia. The ritual has its own meaning, purposes and significances to the practitioners. According to Borana Oromo argaa dhageetti(informants), dhibayyuu means thanksgiving and pray to Waaqa by the Oromo people for good things done for them in the past and praying for future year would be the year of prosperous, fertility and peace for their land, livestock and people (Legesse, 2000).
Hence, the Borana Oromo performed dhibayyuu ritual to give galata (thanks) to Waaqa for His providing them nagaa (peace), fayyaa (health), tasgabbii (social order) and haqa (justice) for all human beings and other living things on the one hand and to pray for the future would be the same for them on the other. Moreover, the Borana Oromo performs dhibayyuu to seek solution for problems, daily life challenges and for peace building and social integration. This is because; the Oromo believe Waaqa as the sole creator of everything and source of all life. It is also regarded as pure, omnipresent, infinite, incomprehensible and intolerant to injustice, crime, sin and all falsehood. In this ritual ceremony, all participants thank Waaqa for his nurturance or sustenance, creation, providence, fertility, peace and happiness with their songs, dances, clothing, implements, manner of celebration and cultural norms.
The process of performing dhibayyuu ritual is different in different parts of Oromia. For instance, in some parts of Oromia people libate by pouring coffee or milk in the middle of the house as an offering to Waaqa (creator) for the abundance and protection they were given and save them from other calamities. While others libate by slaughtering bull, goat or sheep on the mountain or near the river side and praise Waaqa for what they got in the past with regards to their people, livestock, harvest and etc and also pray for the future. The places and times of dhibayyuu are also different from place to place and even from individual to individual. For example, some people like to libate in their house, some under the shade of tree, some along the river side and still others also like to libate on the mountain. Although its practices, time and places are different from place to place, the common purposes of dhibayyuu is galata galchuu (thanks giving) to Waaqa for what they got and Kadhaa (praying) for the future (Kasim,1999).
Unlike other parts of Oromia, dhibaayyuu ritual is performed annually by Borana Oromo as a New Year celebration according Borana indigenous calendar. Once the ceremony is started it continued for several days. First of all abba Qaalluu announce the place and time of dhibayyuu ritual. In case of his absence abba Gadaa or any well known elders from the community can do it before the ceremonial procedures are started. After the site or place is identified, moona dhibaayyuu(galma) is built. The galma are constructed forming an arc facing eastward, in the direction of the rising sun of Liban(the ritual centre of the Borana Oromo). Following construction of galma, the process of jila butte is continued for eight consecutive days. After completing the process of butte ceremony, the practices of dhibaayyuu ritual started (Kasim, 1999).
According to Borana argaa dhagettii, at the early morning of dhibaayyuu ritual ceremony, almost all participants wore ornamented clothes and women holds butter, milk, tobacco, myrrh while men holds hororo(approximately men ritual stick) and grass. The beginning and end of dhibaayyuu ceremony is marked by rain songs. As the participants march to the ritual site they sing song saying hoo . . . foroore (literally,'oh, may it rain'). On their return, they sing song by saying, hoo . . . roobaan sii galee (Literally, I brought back rain for you). A case in point, the participants of the ceremony chanted fororee when they go to ritual site as follow.

Afaan Oromo English equivalent
Hayii hayii Waaqa oh God Bokkaa roobii give us rain Roobii laga yaasi rain and flow the streams Madda gabbisi swell up the stream Raadaa horsiisi multiply our heifer Korma horsiisi multiply our bull Nu kaayyomsi give us success As understood from the above sing songs, the celebrants of dhibaayyuu ceremony asked waaqaa for rain. The songs also indicate that the practitioners pray to the creator not only for living things but also for non-living things to be safe for the people as well as for their cattle. When they arrive the ritual site, the participants stop singing forore and everybody take a seat by removing their shoes straighting their face towards the east. They seat according to their seniority forming an arc and chanted in the following manner until abba gadaas and Hayyuus correct the process of dhibaayyuu in the moonaa (Did,2014).
After completing the process of dhibaayyuu ceremony in moona dhibaayyuu, abba Gadaa, Hayyuus and elders select a ritually important tree (muka jilaa) a short distance away from the moona dhibaayyuu. Most of the time dhibaayyuu ritual is performed under the shade of Odaa. Among the Oromo in general and the Borana Oromo in particular, Odaa is considered as the abode of the spirit of Waaqa. It represents eternal life because of its seemingly ever expanding branches and ever greenery leaves. In antique Qaalluu sat under the shade of Odaa tree on the night to attain spiritual enlighten. As a result, this sacred tree is considered as sacred center of all centers (Kasim, 1999).
With the absence of Odaa, any other trees were declared to be muka jila (sacred tree) through the process of Wayyoomsu. Under the shade of the selected muka jila, both men and women present their thanks to Waaqa by different offerings. During sacrifice, people brought what they can afford. For instance, men could bring bull, sheep or goat for slaughter whereas women bring milk, coffee, bread, butter and honey. Those who have many cows would bring milk with larger containers while those who have fewer cows bring in smaller containers. However, milk containers must be guutuu (full). Guutuu (fullness) implies the fulfillment of one's wishes that is why mijuu (container) is always brought full. After bull or sheep is slaughtered, ritual leaders tied the skin of the animals slaughtered to the branch of muka jila as well as anointed the tree stem with buna qalee, butter and poured milk under it and prayed together for peace and prosperity. Finally, the first day of dhibaayyuu ritual is completed by elaborated blessing.

Eebba Manguddoo English Equivalent
Waaqa uumaa, Waaqa abbaa hunduma God the creator, God the master of all creation Bara kan nagaa nuuf tolchi Let this year be year of peace Gadaan tan rooba haa ta'u Let this Gadaa be Gadaa of rain Ardaan kan nagaa haa ta'u Let this site be site of peace Jilli keenna jila nagaa haa ta'u Let this ritual be ritual of peace Dhibaayyuun kan quufaa haa ta'u Let dhibaayyu be dhibaayyuu of abundance The notes above depict the blessing of elders during dhibaayyuu ritual. Blessing termed as eebba is performed in every aspects of the Oromo life. Since it is highly valued act among the Oromo, it comes on an introduction and conclusion to all life aspects of the people. Similarly, Borana Oromo blessed every gathering or ritual before or after the end of the occasion for the sake of having peace, success, abundance etc. The above blessing expressions also concentrates on the aspirations of peace, joy, rain and abundance by Borana Oromo on dhibaayyuu ritual.

Hulluqqoo ritual during dhibaayyuu
The second day of dhibaayyuu ceremony is called hulluqqoo. It is the most important day of the ceremony where young, old, female and male came out in large and participate in the ceremony. In the journey to the site of hulluqqoo, the male holds hororo(men ritual stick) while women holds siqqee(women ritual stick) and saqa. Girls wear sabbat on their head and holds small food and milk. As the women went ahead to the site, male proceed to the tulla site where the cattle drunk from and brings cattle to the hulluqqoo ritual site. As soon as the cattle arrived in the hulluqqoo site the jilaa passes the cattle through hulluqqoo. When the cattle passes through hulluqqoo the girls and children says horaa-horaa-horaa(means multiply) or blessing to increase their number.
After hulluqqoo ritual already passed and everything was done women proceed to bururi tree (tree serve as cattle enclosure) and pouring coffee, milk and butter to the root of it. Subsequently, women gathered together and song by saying hoo-hoo roobee nagayaa (oh it rain peace). After hulluqqoo ritual was finished, women and children leave the ritual site while men left behind for final ritual. While they left behind the elders anointed the stem of bururi tree and bless it as well as their day activities. After the elders finished the ritual activities, they leave the area saying hoohoo Roobaan sii galee(oh'I bring rain for you).
Late in the evening, when the cattle return into the enclosure, another ritual was performed. Accordingly, milk remained from the daytime ceremony would be down onto the largest bull (korma) in the enclosure. If there was no kormaa (bull) in the cattle enclosure, the milk was poured down at the middle of enclosure and blesses their livestock to multiply. Pouring of milk in the middle of the enclosure also indicates the largest quantity of milk which they expect to collect after ritual.

Dhibaayyuu and Safuu
Oromo practice many ritual ceremonies in which their comprehensive notion of morality is revealed. Moral concepts such as right, wrong, good, bad and others can be understood from this ritual practices. Among the Borana Oromo, for instance, dhibaayyuu ritual ceremony has its own Safuu (ethics) to be followed starting from beginning of the ritual practices up to the end (Kelbessa, 2005).
For the Borana Oromo, Safuu stands not only for human beings but also for non-human beings. Safuu is also a moral category based on Oromo notions of respect for all things. Safuu directs one on the right path; it shows the way in which life can be best within the context of Oromo world view. Being out of Safuu may penalize the relationship between Waaqa and human beings. Therefore, Safuu is perceived as universal law or the law of Waaqa and legitimizes peaceful coexistence among all natural things. It teaches that everything has its own place in the cosmic and social order (Jiregna, 2011).
Equally important, the Borana Oromo said "Dhibaayyuun bakka Onnee qulqullittiifi Wayaa qulqulluun waaqa kadhatanidha. (Literally, dhibaayyuu is a ritual ceremony where the Borana Oromo prays to Waaqa heart fully without any sin and disturbances). Hence, women and children are not allowed to enter into moona dhibaayyuu when dhibaayyuu ritual is going on. Let alone the women and children, it is prohibited for men to enter into moona dhibaayyuu having sexual intercourse. Moreover, it was advisable for men to take out off their trousers and wear only soqolee (a kind of cloth worn by men around the waist) when they perform dhibaayyuu ritual. This is not for another case rather for the sake keeping ones neatness. Concerning safuu during dhibaayyuu ritual practices among the Borana Oromo, Asmarom gives his eye witness in following manner: . . . From the day they settled at the ceremonial grounds [arda jila] the men were under the regime of taboos for a period of several days. Behavior that was permissible in daily life was now prohibited. One such prohibition was against any kind of expression of pain -verbal, facial, or gestural. If anything happen to raba that caused him pain, he was supposed to remain unmoved. If a thorn pierced his foot, he was required not to flinch.
By and large, at the time of dhibaayyuu ritual, participants were supposed to refrain from all harsh words and actions. They could not hold spears or any sharp instruments, only their ritual ornaments or implements. They were expected to wash and kept their body clean and protect their neatness. It was also Safuu to call all things by its correct name until dhibaayyuu ritual ceremony is accomplished. Hence, participants were forced to call things by jila name until the ritual ceremony is completed (Kasim, 1999). For better understanding see things below.

Dhibaayyuu and peace
Pray and blessings are an important part of the daily life of every Borana Oromo. In those prayers the most important word is peace (nagaa). Since the Borana Oromo think that the presence of peace (nagaa) assured the fertility of both animals and human beings, it is kept through the efforts of every individuals and groups. Therefore, on different ritual practices all Borana Oromo are responsible to assure peaceful relation among themselves and between the Borana people and Waaqa (Anguliar, 2008).
The Borana Oromo also believed that nagaa Boranaa (peace of Boran) is maintained by keeping both human and super natural laws. Most importantly, the maintenance of the common moral order is required to be maintained all the times in the Borana Oromo (Dewo, 2008). In line with this Tenna stated that the Oromo ritual and ceremonial activities advice that peace is the key of all things. Hence, human beings would have to peace with humans, nature, and Waaqa. Moreover, among the Borana Oromo, dhibaayyuu also plays a pertinent role in peace building and social harmony besides pray and thanksgiving. It promotes and develops a sense of common understanding and unity among the Borana Oromo. It also helps to build their common values and shared visions, and consolidated nagaa (peace) and wal danda'uu(tolerance (Gufu Oba, 1996).
For this fact, during dhibaayyuu commemoration, the big agenda of the people was to pray to Waaqa for peace, stability, prosperity and abundance. The people also gave thanks to the supreme Waaqa for deliverance in times of difficulties and challenges. By and large, this indigenous practice has maintained the unity and solidarity of the people of the study area. It also plays an essential role in shaping their ethics, values and norms. It further enables the people to re-affirm their belongingness (family bonds), to create affections and moral obligation among themselves to use common resources and pasture land in their vicinity (Freeman, 2000).
According to the Borana Oromo perspectives, having peace with Waaqa was essential preconditions for the existence of fertility, abundance and prosperity as well as harmony with humans and non-humans. Hence, reconciliation between or among the conflicting bodies proceed participating in dhibaayyuu ritual ceremony. It is believed that if a person participates in a ceremony when not in state of reconciliation, he would gain nothing and may indeed anger Waaqa. As a result, it was must for conflicting bodies to be reconciled before participating in the ceremony through the intervention of abba Gadaas and Hayyuus. Therefore, the practices dhibaayyuu ritual serves as conciliation instrument between Waaqa and human beings as well as between conflicting individuals or groups.

Changes and continuities in Dhibayyuu ritual
Several factors contributed for the changes and continuities of dhibayyuu as thanks giving ritual among the Borana Oromo. Among these, the impacts of the past regimes, impacts of imported religions and globalizations are the main challenges. Although the aforementioned challenges are common among the Oromo, its impact was high society like Borana Oromo where every activity of the communities is interconnected with indigenous knowledge and practices.
Regarding the challenges of past regimes, it was much common among the Oromo in general and Borana in particular that the late nineteenth century was characterized by subjugation of Oromo territory by Menelik soldiers. In this case, Borana was not peculiar. Before Menelik conquest of the region, the Borana Oromo was governed by Gadaa system in which both sub-moieties were equally represented. Borana informants describe this political unity as Booranni tan gadaadha; gadaan tan Booranaadha, gadaanis tokkuma, (literally, Borana belongs to Gadaa; gadaa belongs to the Borana and gadaa is indivisible.) Among the Borana indigenous system, the Gadaa, Qaalluu and dhibaayyuu have been central to Borana judicial, spiritual, economic and political life. Abyssinian conquest of the Borana Oromo in the 1890s however, introduced their own administrative systems relegating the indigenous democratic institutions of the people. In the subsequent period, the indigenous institutions were neither successfully integrated into nor permitted to operate outside the formal state structures (Legesse, 1973).
Menelik soldiers not only dispossessed the local community from their land and reduced them to the status of tenancy, but also, imposed Orthodox Christianity as the only legitimate religion while other indigenous practices were despised and undermined. For instance, Orthodox priests took the place of Oromo Qaalluu and other religious leaders. Oromo religion and cultural practices became targets of state repression during those times. Borana Gadaa system including dhibaayyuu ritual was undermined by state as a practice of devilish worship. Through time, this cultural and religious practice of the people was systematically outlawed for more than a century following the fall of the Oromo nation under the tyrant and brutal rules of Menelik II up to the down fall of the Derg regime.
During conquest of Borana Oromo, the Qaalluu take the side of the conquerors and weakened the traditional rule by consensus, creating disharmony between the Qaalluu and Gadaa groups, and disrupted the peace and the role of the aadaa-seera Booranaa (Borana custom and customary laws) in unifying the Borana as a distinct group. This was the technique that Menelik forces were used to isolate and weaken Gadaa system and conquer Borana land. Consequently, power shifted from the Borana Gadaa to the invaders and to the Qaalluu, which appeared to assist the conquerors to gains upper hand (Megersa, 1993).
Although it was a culturally safuu for Qaalluu to be in the side of enemy, it might be the case that they were perhaps attracted by the favor (personal advantages) they would gain in return from Menelik and because of Menelik superior military power to avoid any conflict. Regardless of the qaalluu's motivation, the incident further weakened the unity of the Borana people.
After they conquered Borana land, the conquerors made radical political changes in Borana. The first political measure they took was the appointment of the two senior Borana qaalluu as balabbat, (local governors) with judicial andadministrative roles. Accordingly, all clans and lineages of the Sabbo sub-moiety were put under the Karrayyu Qaalluu named Gedo Jilo, while those of the Goona sub-moiety were placed under the command of the Oditu Qaalluu, named Anna Boru. By installing the rule of Qaalluu as rulers, the conquering generals administratively separated the two Borana sub-moieties previously united under one Gadaa leadership (Debelo, 2012).
As a result, the two balabbat came to occupy an intermediate administrative position between the Borana and the Ethiopian central government headed by the emperor. They were empowered to settle local issues, keep peace and collect taxes from the Borana in kind. Informants relate that these Qaalluu were often summoned to imperial palace for consultation on how to increase the flow of resources to the imperial treasury. Besides their intermediary roles, the Qaalluu were also bestowed the power to supervise over the selection of Gadaa officials (Chikage Oba, 2012).
Through time, the position of the traditional Gadaa authorities was rendered highly vulnerable. The Gadaa system, no longer able to elect their Gadaa officials and lost its administrative authority, lost their power and gradually relegated to ordinary members of their community. The power remained in the hands of the two balabbat and their supporters, but the people lacked the moral and cultural legitimacy previously enjoyed under Gadaa officials (Lemu, 1994).
Like emperor Menelik, the reign of imperial regime further worsened the relations between the central government and the Gadaa system on one hand, and the Gadaa system and Qaalluu institution on the other. That means the relationship between the emperor and Qaalluu was further strengthened as Haile Sillasie awarded more titles on the Qaalluu and took measures to undermine the Gadaa system. Right from the imposition of imperial rule, relations between the central government and the Gadaa system was characterized by confrontation rather than cooperation. In contrast, cooperation was the mode of relationship between emperor and the Qaalluu. The relationship existed between Menelik II and the Qaalluu further continued under the regime of Haile Sillasie (Leus, 2006). However, Gadaa officials considered imperial authority illegitimate and consistently overlooked the emperor's decisions over their affairs. This was manifested in a series of disagreement and conflicts. For instance, the raaba-gadaa resisted the rule of the Qaalluu, the implantation of Orthodox Christianity into their land, the forceful mobilization of their children for 'schooling, the expansion of garrison towns and other innovations that they considered mismatched with Borana way of life. On the other hand, the emperor took measures that he thought would enable him destroy Borana Gadaa system permanently. To strengthen his power in Borana, Haile Sillasie sought to weaken the Borana through different efforts that neutralize and displace Borana indigenous institutions in three important areas: religion, education and expansion of garrison towns (Debelo, 2012).
Aimed to end Gadaa system and the remaining ritual centers, the emperor instructed his appointees to build churches on Borana sacred ritual sites and sent in priests to convert the Borana people to Orthodox Christianity. As such, the emperor proceeded to build churches precisely on sites where Borana religious shrines once stood. For instance, they setup Orthodox churches on the Gadaa ritual sites at Areeroo though it was burnt down by the people organized by the Raba Gadaa leaders. Moreover, Haile Sillasie baptized Borana Qaalluu to in turn baptize the local community but since the local people always trusted the Gadaa officials than the Qaalluu and the central government, no more conversion was took place (Debelo, 2012).
The Derg came to power at the time when the relationship between Gadaa system, Qaalluu institution, and central government had deteriorated to a level of crisis among the Borana. When he came to power, Derg initially issued a proclamation ensuring the rights and equality of nations and nationalities, raising hopes that the political tension had been simmering in Borana would find a workable solution. His decision to issue a radical land reform measure suggested the Derg was committed to addressing Oromo grievances in order to get Oromo support in its quest to consolidate itself in power. Other measures, such as the banning of the use of derogatory names to refer to the Oromo, seemed to indicate that political power had shifted from the traditional hereditary Ethiopian aristocracy to politically-enlightened new elites. There was a dream of hope that the Derg regime would restore justice and equality to the Borana and other Oromo groups in the country (Jalata, 1998). Furthermore, the coming to power of the Derg regime, ended the over lordship of Qaalluu over Borana Oromo and restored the Gadaa system and the Gumii Gayyoo legislative body. It was during the Derg regime that Gumii Gaayoo (Borana assembly center) declared proclamations that cancel supremacy of Qaalluu's authority over Gadaa officials. That means, Qaalluu no longer had the authority to oversee Gadaa elections and their position as balabbat to collect taxes and maintain law and order on the behalf of the central government. Asmarom further stated that the restoration of Gadaa system and Gumii Gaayoo restored aadaa seera-Booranaa (Borana custom and customary law). For more information look at the following relationship among Gadaa system, Qaalluu institution and state under different regimes (Legesse, 1973).
Globalization was another contemporary challenge to indigenous knowledge. In the 21 st century, cross-border cultural interaction had brought influence on Indigenous Knowledge (IK). Above all, in the current world, development of science and technology has become the driving force of globalization which favored people to promote different issues such as economic, political, cultural, social and religion as well. Therefore, globalization can be viewed as a process through which modern technologies, products, ideas, theories, thoughts and beliefs are easily moved from region to region that worked in counter to Indigenous Knowledge (Materer et al., 2002).
The process of globalization is a combination of both positive and negative variables. The negative impacts of globalization can be sensed from imposition of alien cultural elements over indigenous knowledge without due respect to the values of indigenous cultural realities of the indigenous inhabitants of certain region. Globalization as part and parcel of the modern world system has imposed impact on IK, and reversing the long established public cultural and philosophical principles. It is true that imposition of foreign cultural elements over the indigenous people is associated with emergence of imperialist ideology, which ends with massive cultural erosion activities. Similarly, Borana Oromo have exposed to global cultural imposition through different mechanisms. Particularly, young generation considered indigenous ritual practices as old fashion and attempt to equip their mind with modern dances and songs. Furthermore, due to global cultural interaction, the Borana Oromo has become part of foreign cultural practices connected with modernization that marginalized Borana indigenous practices including dhibayyuu ritual (Ahmadu, 2013).
In a broader sense, the process of globalization has imposed serious challenge on the Borana socio-cultural practices and ceremony. Specially, the introduction of modern social media have brought cultural erosion, which altered pre-existing indigenous norms, values, views, attitudes, morals, and social structure. Cultural globalization has inspired people (the youths) to develop the sense of high self interest, selfishness, individualism, and encouraged them to develop high devotion and appetite for foreign films, goods, foods, way of life, music, attitude and behavior at the expense of their indigenous ancestral cultural values and ritual practices (Ahmadu, 2013).
Foreign Medias have capacity to mold the human behavior, character and attitude unless they are selectively used. Therefore, individuals who are exposed to foreign media have high opportunity to be influenced by alien cultural elements and became weak to look inward to their indigenous cultural values. As a result, like in other parts of the country, most Borana youths are today interested to other countries music, film, and communication skills, which exposed them to adopt foreign life styles, and they nearly lost their ancestral traditional values, moral, worldviews, norms, and attitudes. The event is part of the process of cultural globalization that crafted by the advanced world West or East or America to impose their cultural elements over traditional society with the objective to paralyze their indigenous creative capacity and inspired them to develop the habit of foreign dependency. Now days, most of youths have fail to learn from the truth of ancestral spiritual and material assets. They have lost motive to talk about their ancestral scared places like Gumii Gaayoo and others. But, it seems to have been very ease for them to call European athletes or foot ball players by their name thanks to modern information revolution (Bassi, 2005). Therefore, much was expected to revitalize indigenous customary practices like marriage, religious rituals, time reckoning, social or holy day ceremonies, dressing styles, hair styles, food preparation and feeding styles, making love, talking and walking styles, immediate and ultimate values, birth and death to be promoted and rejuvenated among the people of the study area (Daramola & Oyinade, 2015). Importation and expansion of modern religion also contributed negatively for the eroding of Oromo indigenous knowledge in general and the Borana Oromo in particular. The Borana were known by the practice of the Oromo indigenous religion, which was part of their cultural identities and world views. Like other Oromo groups, the Borana have believed in a monotheistic or one Supreme Being called Waaqa (the creator of everything in the universe). There was also Qaalluu who led traditional religious practices and has moral authority and social obligation to lead ritual practices and to support Gadaa officials respectively. The worship activities have been carried out under sycamore tree or Odaa. Under such sycamore, believers have been gathered and conducted their daily, weekly, monthly and annual prayers. In addition, among the Borana, there are shrines where ritual ceremonies or sacrifices have been performed. Unlike modern religions, therefore, the Oromo indigenous religious outlooks have been environmentally friendly and ecologically sound in general (Jaleta, 2017).
However, the introduction and expansion of Christianity (Protestant, Orthodox Christianity and Catholic Christianity) has created challenge to Oromo indigenous rituals. This continued since the first half of the 20 th century, and the problem still persists and indigenous religion failed to resist the impact that superimposed by the new religious practices and the impact brought multiple changes on indigenous oral traditions, attitudes, material cultures, social customs, social drama or folk-arts, cultural, political, economic and religious life of the Oromo in general (Assefa, 2014).
Furthermore, the Christian priests used to mislead the indigenous people by converting them to Christian religion. On the other hand, they have degraded the quality of the Oromo indigenous religious practices, and they inspirited the indigenous people to adopt the new faith at the expense of their religious outlooks. In most cases, the introduction of Orthodox Christianity had brought incalculable damage on the Borana indigenous rituals including dhibayyuu. This was done by priests and deacons who had been sent to serve in the Christian Churches, and they imposed alien beliefs, culture, moral norms, values and language on natives with the objective to destroy the indigenous religious identities of the people of the study area. Such cultural erosive actions have taken different forms. In the one hand, the Christian government officials have created close alliance with the clergy and formed a powerful task force with the objective to expand the Amhara culture and convert indigenous people towards the new religion. On the other hand, the new intruders were also involved in destruction of indigenous ritual places or shrines or physical feature, and some indigenous cultural festivals also officially banned. Consequently, during the period of imperial rule, the process of assimilation into the Christian culture reinforced by the provision of different job opportunities and power positions as well. Therefore, the converted Borana Oromo were forced to change their indigenous personal names to the Christian names, and they encouraged to adopt new religious elements (the Christian faith, Amharic language, lifestyle, values, moral norms and attitudes) to be considered as civilized citizens of the time.
Similarly, the challenges that have been brought on the Borana indigenous knowledge by Islam were also not underestimated. The new religion had brought impact on the practice of indigenous social, political, religious, cultural and economic affairs of the Borana society. The new faith also brought change on indigenous oral culture, language, personal naming, dressing style, worship style, food culture, social values, customary laws and political value.

Conclusion
This paper discussed dhibayyuu as an indigenous thanks giving ritual among Borana Oromo. It also assessed the meaning, purposes and significances of this ritual for the people of the study area as an indigenous mechanism of building harmony with both humans and Waaqa. This indigenous ritual was well practiced among the Borana Oromo in the pre-19 th century. With the conquest of Borana Oromo by Abyssinian forces in the late 1890s, expansion of imported religion and emergence of globalization brought radical changes on dhibayyuu ritual practices. First, the conquerors imposed their own system of rule on the indigenous ritual practices of the people of the study area. The Abyssinians rearranged the indigenous institutions in ways that served their own interest. The shifting of political power from the Gadaa to the Qaalluu institution marked the beginning of a dual government system in which was characterized by confrontational rather than cooperation. Moreover, the relationship between the Gadaa system and the formal state structures was often confrontational because of the former's responsibility to defend and maintain the autonomy of the Borana Oromo.
In the views of Gadaa officials, the expansion of the Ethiopian state structure was an aggression that had to be stemmed. The Gadaa officials considered imperial authority as illegitimate and consistently disregarded the emperor's decisions over their affairs. On the other hand, the relationship between the Qaalluu institution and the imperial regimes, particularly during Haile Sellassie's regime, was marked by cooperation. As a result, the complementary relationships between the Gadaa system and Qaalluu institution in pre-conquest time lost balance, marking the disintegration of the hitherto cohesive indigenous institutions, Gadaa and Qaalluu in general and ritual practices including dhibayyuu in particular.
The changes in the political organization of the Borana from a polity based on the legitimacy derived from the aadaa-seera Booranaa (Gadaa system) to Qaalluu affected status of the abbaa Gadaa. The restoration of the abbaa Gadaa by the Derg to its prominent position did not seem to return the Borana indigenous institutions and functional cohesiveness of the pre-conquest period until post 1991 that witnessed the revitalization of indigenous institution in general and dhibayyuu ritual in particular.

Funding
The author received no direct funding for this research.

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