Converting for terrorist purposes: challenging the conceptual unidirectionality of the threat

ABSTRACT Terrorism is typically included among the grave societal challenges resulting from radicalisation of certain groups. The phrase ‘radical converts’ typically evokes an image of a convert to Islam, whereas an individual converting from Islam to other religions is not associated with a terrorist threat. When it comes to threat assessment, the conversion of Christianity to Islam is typically deemed a potential warning sign. On the contrary, the Islam-to-Christianity path is typically dismissed as a marker of extremist attitudes. This paper challenges the unidirectionality of this assumption and provides a reconceptualised framework for assessing the potential terrorist threat posed by converts. It does so by firstly exploring the problem of instrumental conversions and subsequently contextualising them through the 2021 Liverpool bombing case study. The findings based on a survey and interviews with key stakeholders confirm that instrumental conversions do not exclude engagement in political violence and that conversions to rather than from Christianity should also be taken into consideration when formulating policy responses.


Introduction: converts and terrorist violence
The emergence of Islamic terrorism dates back to the 1980s and is marked, as Paul Wilkinson 1 underlies, by bitter resentment toward all Western countries.This recognition is shared by many authors who point towards different political, 2 economic, 3 and socio-cultural 4 factors feeding into this animosity and maintaining the polarised reality of 'the West and the rest'.Bruce Hoffman 5 went as far as to estimate that 'the religious imperative for terrorism is the most important defining characteristic of activity today,' an appraisal consistent with David Rapoport's 6 theory of the fourth wave terrorism.
Very quickly, the challenge posed by religious rather than secular terrorist groups was deemed to be more difficult to counter.To invoke Hoffman again: 7 'terrorism motivated either in whole or in part by a religious imperative, where violence is regarded by its practitioners as a divine duty or sacramental act, embraces markedly different means of legitimisation and justification that that committed by secular terrorists; and these distinguishing features lead, in turn, to yet greater bloodshed and destruction.'The new species of terrorists propelled by faith to martyr themselves and motivated by fanaticism (often a keyword in numerous analyses), most closely associated with Islamic terrorist groups, approached violence as a divine duty and used religion as a legitimising force.Terrorists themselves were not interested in altering the system but replacing it with an entirely new model; instead of sitting at the table, as James Woosley has famously said, the main aim is 'to destroy the table and everyone sitting at it.' 8 More importantly, the connection between religious fundamentalism and violence, even though not clarified, was noticed by scholars. 9Very often, this religious zeal presented as something irrational and therefore impossible to prevent is a typical feature of the academic literature on the subject 10 even though the myth of religious violence has been dispelled by William Cavanaugh 11 and the normalcy of terrorists has been repeatedly underlined. 12imultaneously, it transpired that as far as religious violence is concerned, a considerable group is largely outside the law enforcement radar, i.e.European converts to Islam.The specificity of the terrorist threat to Europe, with its homegrown, bottom-up dynamics, 13 drew attention to European converts to Islam who are believed present in terrorist organisations in large numbers, where they often occupy key positions. 14hile converts are not a homogeneous societal group and cannot be considered en bloc as gullible individuals, easy to influence due to their fewer and weaker social ties, 15 and prone to fall into an outbidding spiral when trying to prove their worth to the new brethren, 16 in some cases, as earlier research proves, the many facets of the conversion-radicalisation nexus embed the terrorist threat within the conversion process.The overrepresentation of converts among the foreign fighters who flocked to the Middle East since 2011 confirmed this phenomenon as more than an ephemeral trend. 17y earlier interpretative framework 18 of assessing the terrorist threat among the converts suggested that a unique coalescence of rejection and exclusion provides favourable conditions for a totality of beliefs, which has the potential of resulting in susceptibility towards terrorist violence.By doing so, the study has confirmed that assessing the potential terrorist threat of European converts to Islam should begin with clarifying the issue of conversion and its role in the process of radicalisation.Against earlier studies, 19 I argued that neither the ideal convert type nor the ideal converting mechanism exists.On the contrary, there is a breathtaking variety of converting individuals and pathways, 20 of which at least four main trajectories can be distinguished.Conversion is the pivotal point not so much due to the fact of change but rather due to the nature of change.
Against this conceptual backdrop, converts are still typically approached as operational assets for the jihadist movements, whereby the instrumental value of European new Muslims is underlined not only in case of proselytising, logistics or support but also for planning and carrying out terrorist attacks.Reports and analyses indicate that radical groups recruit converts because of their ability to easily cross borders or serve as frontmen for renting accommodation or for providing other logistical support.The fact that many recent radical converts were women is a factor further complicating the standard profile. 21his picture is augmented by the media, 22 which present converts as disaffected and troubled individuals, perceiving the current wave of Islamic terrorism as a new revolution.From this perspective, The Koran appears as the new Das Kapital.These assertions suggest that it does not take much to make a terrorist out of an ordinary convert, as the conversion to Islam of fragile individuals undoubtedly leads to the risk of diversion to terrorism.Such an angle renders the road from convert to jihadist remarkably short and simple, and the terrorist potential is immense because someone new to Islam does not have the cultural bearings or religious grounding sound enough to resist radical interpretations of Islam.Moreover, converts are commonly depicted as credulous and easily influenced, prone to engaging in an 'outbidding spiral' to prove their worth to the new brethren.This aligns with the 'youthful anger' hypothesis prevalent in analyses of second and third generations of European Muslims.However, in the context of converts, it is portrayed as an intense desire of 'religious youngsters' to prove true Muslimness and demonstrate belonging to the community of believers.In this narrative, these newcomers aim to distance themselves from perceived Western values, including moral emptiness, hedonism, secularism, shallow consumerism, and even a perceived Western conspiracy against Muslims.
There are two fundamental problems with this picture: Firstly, both scholars and practitioners tend to dismiss the other archetypes and/or pathways by focusing on what I previously described as the Castaway archetype.Secondly, the phrase 'radical converts' typically evokes an image of a convert to Islam, whereas an individual converting from Islam to other religions is not associated with a terrorist threat.Given the acknowledged operational value of converts, such bias creates the blind spot of instrumental conversions.This is surprising as already in 2004, Mark Sageman warned about the importance of an external appearance and smokescreen lifestyle transformations: 'Sudden abandonment of this [Salafi] lifestyle should raise an alarm.Shaving their beards, dressing in a Western way, or using perfume at airports may signal that they are trying to blend with the surrounding society or conceal something from authorities.Indeed, any sudden change from a Salafi to a Western appearance should immediately be investigated.' 23Undoubtedly, lifestyle transformation can also involve a bogus conversion from Islam to another religion.Consequently, in this paper, I will challenge the conversion unidirectionality when it comes to assessing the potential terrorist threat.24I will do so by firstly exploring the problem of instrumental conversions and subsequently contextualising them through the 2021 Liverpool bombing case study.

The blind spot of instrumental conversions
Since conversion is the meeting point between an individual and the organised religion, when exploring conversion trajectories, I consider the human aspect either involving the individual (self) or other social actors (religious community) on the one hand and the approach to the religious element on the other as it can be either spiritual or material when organised religion matters more than personal faith.This matrix accentuates the dynamic relationship between social conditions and religious orientation in the identity transformation called a religious conversion.These two crucial axes are complementary, not antagonistic, and stretching the analysis fully between the two poles of individual versus collective aspects of conversion without creating an erroneous impression that it is either one or the other aspect, but rather a dynamically interacting and interwoven whole.
Scholars often fall prey to an erroneous belief that conversion must be meaningful in identity terms. 25Nonetheless, when the material aspects dominate over the spiritual, religion is perceived instrumentally, and conversion becomes a transaction whereby maintenance of outward appearances without the necessary transformation of identity, behaviour, and social attachments suffices.While in some conversion trajectories the concept of weak ideological alignments is disputable, the question of identity is not an issue in the case of this conversion type.Usually, there is nothing to be uprooted from since belonging to the former denomination is purely formal and is not combined with practice.Simultaneously, the alignment remains equally weak when it comes to the new religion.Reduced to contractual necessity, conversion signifies the change in religious affiliation in those cases that are undertaken for purely practical reasons, and religion is perceived as nothing more than a means to an end, as goods that must be acquired.
The majority of these conversions concern an individual (most often female) whose spouse is Muslim and who converts for the sake of community compliance or personal gain.I interviewed several male converts who have given their non-Muslim wives an either-or ultimatum.Frequently, when faced with a threat that the partner will leave them unless they become Muslims, female spouses preferred to conform to the religious condition, especially when children were involved.In this case, it is possible to have a change in the nominal aspect of religion, the official affiliation, but it does not necessarily involve any significant change at the ideational level.This may or may not come later for such a convert; initially, however, conversion is viewed as a 'thing that must be done.'During my fieldwork, I have met Muslim converts who veiled only when attending a mosque or still practised some of the Christian traditions like decorating the Christmas tree; indeed, I have myself received a Christmas card from one person with a clear innuendo indicating that she is expecting to receive one from me. 26 Some refer to such instances of conversions as quasi-conversions. 27It is, however, essential to remember that this conversion trajectory does not exclude the later development of a genuine religious conviction.Moreover, instrumental conversion may entail adopting frontstage and backstage behaviour, as described by Goffman,28 who identified this intentional manipulation of behaviour towards the out-group members desired to maintain a particular 'public' image as opposed to the typical behaviour exercised in privacy of home or within the inner circle of friends from an in-group.In a way, when facing the rest of society, converts are asked to speak and act on behalf of their religious affiliation.For some people lacking skills and knowledge, it is challenging to uphold the desired impression ascribed to their community and thus find themselves in an uncomfortable situation.This, in turn, may lead to concealing one's Muslim identity, for instance, wearing a headscarf in certain situations (e.g. when visiting a mosque) and taking it off when needed (e.g. in the workplace). 29Such 'part-time converts' live in a perilous state of social schizophrenia, and their attempts to juggle identities are not always successful.
Alternatively, for instance in prison settings, instrumental conversion may take place to gain a higher social standing in the community or for the pragmatic reason of getting better food since inmates perceive halal food as having superior quality over regular food.'I'm a real, truest Catholic,' said Bobby, crossing himself twice and staring with such intensity as if he was trying to convince me with the power of his mind that what he had just said was true. 30When I was researching conversions to Islam in the Scottish Prison System back in 2011, I was assured that despite the growing numbers of Muslim converts among the inmates, the problem of radicalisation is virtually non-existent.I was given two reasons for such a state of affairs: Firstly, most prisoners were supposed to be as religious as they were law-abiding, that is to say-not at all.Secondly, most individuals who changed their religion did so for cynical reasons.Therefore, when Bobby was brought to the interview room, he started a conversation with me stating that he loved Jesus, was born Catholic, would die Catholic and was a Celtic fan,31 I was not too surprised.
The overwhelming majority of instrumental conversions were rooted in a belief that halal food served to Muslims was far better than the standard one for other inmates.Such was the case of Steve, who told me: 'I just say to the officers: I want to become Muslim and want the paperwork.And they just get you diet forms.Normal prisoners will get processed meat.On the Muslim diet, you get proper meat.' Asked if there were no problems, Steve shrugged: 'There are so many things in prison you are entitled to … you are entitled to your religion.If they try to mess with your religion, you can get your solicitor and sue them.' Steve did not try to deny the purely instrumental treatment of his conversion.'I still go to chapel.I am a Roman Catholic through and through.' 32 Other of his convert brethren were too embarrassed even to meet me face to face, and often, an interview would be cancelled as I was walking to the meeting room.My would-be interviewees would merely send an apology through the guard that they would not come because they had nothing to say.Their conversions were not a change of heart.It was all about food and nothing more; they would immediately return to Christianity after leaving prison.
However, opportunists are not the only group of converts found in British prisons.Staff indeed believe that a small percentage of inmates are religiously active regardless of religion, but an interview with the pastor at HM Shotts maximum security prison made me suspect there was something more to radical conversions.On the one hand, the prison is a highly hierarchical environment.Prisoners closely guard a specific social ladder, which depends on the crime committed, the prisoner's tenure, social standing, and sometimes his wealth and the general opinion he enjoys.In this world, conversion to Islam can be a tool to move one step higher in the order of importance.This is primarily so because Christianity has a reputation for being 'a religion for fags,' 33 which only turns the other cheek and raves about love.In contrast, Islam appears to be a religion of tough guys and warriors, and that works great in prison.The question remains whether this perceived weakness can be exploited by a wannabe terrorist outside of this very limited milieu.
In addition to the decidedly pacifist undertones to Christianity, which would a priori exclude conversions to rather than from this religion, it would seem that regardless of the denomination the individual is converting to, pragmatic, instrumental conversions based on a cost-benefit calculation preclude any engagement in political violence.However, is that really the case?

Challenging the unidirectionality: The Liverpool attack
Around 11 am on Sunday, 14 November 2021, a taxi was blown in front of the Liverpool Women's Hospital.There were no fatalities, except for the 32-year-old bomber Emad Al-Swealmeen, who died in the back seat of the car.Even the driver survived, perhaps because the bomb known among the jihadists as the 'Mother of Satan,' which takes its name from its unreliability, was used in the attack. 34Reconstructed events suggest that Al-Swealmeen ordered to be taken to the cathedral, where the celebrations related to the celebration of the fallen soldiers in the wars, Remembrance Day, falling on November 11, were taking place.However, seeing the cathedral surrounded by the police and the traffic jam in the street, he changed the drop-off point and ordered to be taken to the nearby hospital.At the entrance, the bomb ignited, killing Al-Swealmeen and injuring the driver, David Perry. 35hile law enforcement still verifies the exact details, the case is emblematic with regard to the conceptual challenges highlighted above.Emad Al-Swealmeen, half Iraqi, half Syrian, came to Great Britain from Iraq via Dubai on a Jordanian passport.In 2014, he applied for asylum, albeit unsuccessfully.According to Malcolm Hitchcott, whom he stayed with, it was due to 'a mental incident' 36 when Al-Swealmeen was swinging a knife at people passing by.The event happened in the centre of Liverpool, and 33 As offensive as the phrase is, it is the exact wording I repeatedly heard during my prison fieldwork. 34A. Hayes, 'Liverpool Terror Attack: "Homemade" Bomb Contained Ball Bearings that "Would Have Acted As Shrapnel" -Police', Sky News, 19 November 2021, https://news.sky.com/story/liverpool-terror-attack-homemade-bomb-containedball-bearings-that-would-have-acted-as-shrapnel-police-12472334 35L. Horsburgh, 'Liverpool Women's Hospital Explosion: Terror Threat Level Raised to "Severe"', BBC News, 15 November 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-merseyside-59291095 according to the police, while the knife was large, the case was not referred to MI5 as the asylum seeker was judged to be harmless.Other versions of events say that his application was rejected because he did not convince the authorities that he was Syrian and faced persecution, and an incident with a knife followed the refusal. 37 change took place in the following years.Al-Swealmeen did not give up and continued to apply for asylum, in which he was helped by the Christian community and the Hitchcott family, with whom he lived for eight months.Not only were the Hitchcott ardent Christians but they were also supported by other Christian volunteers from a network of churches that help asylum seekers. 38In 2015, Al-Swealmeen took an Alpha course, which explains Christianity.Subsequently, he was baptized, and in 2017, he was confirmed in the same cathedral, which later became his would-be destination for the planned terrorist attack. 39As part of the conversion, he also adopted a new name, Enzo Almeni. 40his complicates the tropes; given the origin of the perpetrator, the attack could be attributed to jihadist-inspired terrorism.We know that Al-Swealmeen had been preparing since April 2021, buying components of the explosive device. 41Specifically, the scenario that the attack could be a copycat of similar actions carried out by al-Qaeda or ISIS is plausible given both the first and the second target.The choice of the cathedral is highly symbolic, and direct violence against religious minorities was both a by-product of jihadi military operations in Iraq and Syria as well as one of the key policies of the self-proclaimed caliphate. 42The attack on the hospital is not only similar to the recent bombing ward at Dasht-e-Barchi Hospital in Kabul but also appears in ISIS online propaganda where potential 'lone wolves' are encouraged to strike at hospitals due to congestion and limitations concerning swift evacuation of patients.
The Christian family with whom Al-Swealmeen lived believes that the bomber's conversion was true, and Cyril Ashton, bishop of the cathedral where the baptism took place, assures that preparations for the conversion in general and confirmation in particular, are taken seriously.Every catechumen must undergo thorough preparation before being accepted as a Christian.Irrespectively, a year after his confirmation, in 2018, Al-Swealmeen lost contact with the cathedral.Other sources report that despite conversion, he was allegedly still a practising Muslim, which would reinforce the bogus conversion thesis. 43he case for the instrumental nature of Al-Swealmeen's conversion can be claimed on the grounds of both his asylum application and his 7-month-long preparation for the attack.With regards to the former, among the critics, one can hear that the Church of England encourages obtaining asylum by persuading immigrants to change their religion.Upon conversion, it is easier for them to show that they may be persecuted in their country of origin.Hundreds of Muslims were to receive the sacraments after a five-week course in the cathedral, a fact that can be easily verified by perusing the baptismal records.The impact of the change of faith on the asylum process is confirmed by church representatives and participants of programs preparing for the adoption of Christianity.As reported in the media, pastor Pete Wilcox, former dean of Liverpool, once said: 'I cannot recall a single example of someone who, already having British citizenship, would convert from Islam to Christianity.' 44 Nevertheless, Al-Swealmeen's attack is rather unique.If the threat perception is plausible, should there not be more 'fake convert' sleepers?Suppose the operational cutting edge is indeed as substantial, should it not be more widely employed, especially since we know terrorists are apt copycats and greedily apply everything that works in terms of tactics?

An exception that proves the rule?
In other words, is the Liverpool bombing an exception that proves the rule, or is it a possible bifurcation point that highlights some of the dangers hitherto ignored?To answer this question, I have conducted a survey among all the British Anglican and Roman Catholic dioceses of England and Wales.Al-Swealmeen converted to the Anglican Church, but I reached out to Roman Catholics to triangulate the data as it is also a large, hierarchic church.I contacted the bishops directly or the chanceries and diocesan secretaries in case the bishops' direct contact details were unavailable on the websites.I have also contacted the cathedrals as they remain pastoral hubs.Table 1 summarises the number of questionnaires sent and the response rates.
The survey questionnaire was developed to tackle the challenges posed by instrumental conversions identified by the literature review and aimed at establishing whether there are any potential security-related blind spots or loopholes in the process of conversion.The questionnaire consisted of the following five questions: (1) How many converts from Islam in your diocese have there been since 2015? 45Are there any at present? (2) Do you have a dedicated catechumen course for converts from Islam, or is there only a universal, standard one (why so)? (3) During the preparation for baptism and confirmation, do you verify whether the conversion is instrumental (i.e. for pragmatic purposes, e.g. in order to obtain asylum), and do you account for security considerations?(4) Is there a special ministry/chaplaincy for former Muslims?Why/why not? (5) Do you try to reach out to lapsed Muslim converts in any way?I chose to send out the questionnaire in written form rather than reaching out to the dioceses by phone because it also allowed the participants to prepare the answers and include additional comments if they wished so.The questionnaires were returned by e-mail between November 2021 and January 2022.
To augment the insights provided by the questionnaire, I have also reached out to community leaders and key stakeholders with whom I carried out interviews, as summarised in Table 2.I selected the initial interview subjects based on their position and relevance in terms of possible insights and then used snowballing because the convert community is hidden and close-knit.They are hard to reach and usually unwilling to engage with strangers, especially in encounters that would put them in the spotlight.Since conversion is an inherently religious phenomenon, I chose not to contact secular law enforcement in alignment with the church and state separation.While that narrows the scope of inquiry, it does not invalidate the study.
The interviews were conducted via phone or online.While I generally followed the questionnaire script, the semi-structured nature of the interviews offered the possibility of adjusting the questions or following the leads offered during the conversation.It also enriched the ethnographic material with non-verbal clues. 46I was taking notes during the interviews as the topic's sensitive nature was not conducive to recording the sessions.However, all the participants were explicitly assured that the information they provide is confidential, with complete anonymisation of the data preventing from identifying them either directly or indirectly.Every person was also informed about the nature and scope of my research, and the informed consent included the option to withdraw at any given time and reason.
While I do acknowledge this study's classic limitations, inherent to qualitative research, which tends to be prone to extrapolation and has limited generalizability,47 these constraints do not forestall the insights that can be gleaned.

Findings and discussion
In what follows, instead of providing the quantitative data devoid of context, I will address each of the questions from the questionnaire, and later, I will juxtapose the institutional insights with the individual perspectives of my interviewees.
As far as the institutional responses are concerned, a rather bleak picture emerges as the dioceses rarely have data; most do not want to talk about issues that can put the church in a bad light to the extent that some of the answers were downright passiveaggressive as if the very topic and scope of my study was of malignant intent.Hence, the calls 'to desist contacting me about your work.'48Nonetheless, most refusals were very courteous and dictated solely by the fact that the bishop either could not complete my questionnaire or did not know who else to put me in touch with.Other listed reasons included 'little to contribute on the subject matter' and 'a matter of time priorities.'Sometimes when that happened, the diocese would try to contact someone they thought may have that information to hand, but unfortunately, that was rarely the case.
How many converts from Islam in your diocese have there been since 2015?Are there any at present?To a large degree, the answers to this question depend on the diocese's geographical location and corresponding ethnicity profile.As one of the Bishops succinctly put it, 'Devon is very different from Liverpool.'Many bishops were unable to provide answers to this question or otherwise offered only anecdotal estimates.
The answers ranged from 'none that I am aware of' to 'I am aware of some' to 'low hundreds,' depending on the place.The main reason for this lack of precision is the fact that neither the Anglicans nor Catholics keep any records.'We do not keep records of the religious background.' 'We do not collect information.''We do not keep lists of those who have converted from one world faith to another' were by far the most dominant responses.This applies to both denominations as Catholics also stated that they 'do not keep a central list of such information,' confirming specifically that 'the backgrounds of individuals in their journeys of faith can be a sensitive topic for the clergy to broach,' however without specifying the reasons for such difficulties.The general consensus was that 'working with catechumens is a parish responsibility,' and therefore, the dioceses keep only 'records of confirmations based on the gender and age of candidates.' Do you have a dedicated catechumen course for converts from Islam, or is there only a universal, standard one (why so)?
It will not come as a surprise that no dedicated course for Muslims interested in joining a Christian church exists.The survey unanimously indicates that 'It is the responsibility of each parish priest to prepare candidates for baptism or confirmation in the way that they think is the most appropriate.'This means that enquiries to the Christian Faith are treated on 'a personal, pastoral, case-by-case basis.'To this end, there are various resources for catechesis, including the Alpha course, the Pilgrim course, Christianity Explored, 49 as well as different books, 50 and it is left to parish priests to use what they think is most appropriate.None of the Anglican respondents was aware of a course specifically designed for people of other faiths, mainly because 'the issue has not arisen, so there is no dedicated course.'Concurrently with the needs-based approach, the more affirmative stance is rooted in the dogma of inter-faith cooperation.As one of the respondents said, 'We are more inclined to welcome and support those of other faiths in this country than to endeavour to convert them.We do not, therefore, have a person who oversees catechumens from the Muslim or any other faith.'This is also mirrored by the Catholics, who assured me that they 'treat all catechumens the same whether they are new to religion or come to us from another religion.'This was also cited as the main reason for not having a dedicated catechumen course at the diocesan level where all Catechumens (i.e.those preparing for Baptism) and Candidates (i.e.those coming from other ecclesial communities) follow the same path.Simultaneously, some bishops admitted that some parishes in the diocese may have one, a claim difficult to verify.
During the preparation for baptism and confirmation, do you verify whether the conversion is instrumental (i.e. for pragmatic purposes, e.g. in order to obtain asylum), and do you account for security considerations?
Since the process of receiving a new person to the church is very organic, the parish priest prepares people for baptism and confirmation and seeks to determine whether a conversion is genuine.
'Baptisms occur largely in parish churches; the paperwork around confirmations asks parish priests to vouch that the candidate has been baptised and has been properly prepared for the sacrament.What constitutes proper preparation is left to the judgement of parish clergy.'Again, precise data was scarce, and most of the responses were evasive: 'I have no information about this … Our impression is that the conversions are real and are not a means to other ends.' 'This has not yet happened, but I am sure we would verify these things.''My understanding and expectation is that responsible enquiry and discernment is made.'These are all rather non-committal statements that neither disprove nor confirm whether security considerations are accounted for.No terrorism-related case was shared with me.At the same time, it does not mean that bogus conversions are endorsed or encouraged (e.g. to boost statistics), as the bishops were adamant that '[i]n the meetings we have had with our clergy we have always emphasised the need to make sure people are genuine in their desire to become Christian.'Some had also invoked personal experiences, saying that when they performed those during the course of their career, they 'took this question seriously.' It was also brought to my attention that in England, all residents have a legal right to request baptism in their Anglican parish church and bring their children for baptism in the parish church.An avid reader will notice that this statement mirrors Steve's 'you are 49 Further details regarding the contents of these courses can be found at www.alpha.org,http://www.pilgrimcourse.org/,and https://www.christianityexplored.org/. 50For instance, P. Jackson and C. Wright, Faith Confirmed.Preparing for Confirmation (Cincinnati: Forward Movement, 2019).
entitled to your religion' declaration, which I heard during my prison study.Therefore, whereas the parish clergy would want to ascertain that adult requests for baptism are made in good faith, simultaneously, it would not be lawful to refuse.However, the survey responses indicated, albeit without details, that refusals have been known.We can expect those refusals to be few and far between.
The catechumenal way in the Catholic Church seems to be more challenging and thus discouraging for the ingenuine convert: 'The period of the catechumenate and of discernment should be over very many months (12 or more) during which time I would expect true motives to be explored.It is not simply a process of sacramental preparation.'Such a process involves a journey in faith over several months, sometimes over a year or more, within local parish communities.Its longevity allows priests and catechists to get to know the individual quite deeply as they accompany seekers on their journey.Obviously then, this raises costs of conversion, and a person seeking to become Christian for instrumental purposes would instead be encouraged to find an easier way in.While the Anglican responses did not comment on the length of the preparations, we know that Al-Swealmeen was baptized the same year he took the Alpha course, which indicates a notably shorter period.
Is there a special ministry/chaplaincy for former Muslims?Why/why not?
The issue of a dedicated ministry for former Muslims is crucial precisely in the context of security considerations when approached as a verification tool for instrumental conversions.I found no evidence of dioceses having specific chaplaincy for converts from Islam or any other major faith.'Some parishes exercise a special ministry to such as asylum seekers or refugees within which category there might be former Muslims.'However, it is clear that these are rather works of mercy than pastoral and spiritual formation.This kind of support is often connected with asylum seekers who are asking for help in the church.
Limited resources are undoubtedly part of the problem; a paid post specifically for those looking to convert from Islam is neither prudent nor feasible for most parishes, especially if they are only a few.Again, resource allocation follows the needs: 'It is more common for groups to form around ethnic identity and for care to be offered formally or informally that way.For example, we have a Nigerian chaplaincy and a Filipino chaplaincy-it is possible that among these ethnic groups there may be converts from one world faith to another.' Consequently, in the Anglican Church, even on the diocesan level, let alone in the parishes, there are no dedicated special ministries or chaplains for Muslim converts as the numbers are small, and it has never been requested.A similar situation can be found among the Catholics, who also do not have specific chaplaincies for former Muslims.Instead, 'each priest and the parish community they join, continues to journey with those who choose to become Catholics, whatever their background.'This way, they are helped to encounter Christ in their own way, building upon their previous life experience.Analogically, converts from Islam are active within their own parishes instead of forming a parallel network.However, everyone who understands the dynamic of regular parish life understands that this makes it also easier for the convert to slip through the cracks.

Do you try to reach out to lapsed Muslim converts in any way?
Being an active congregation member alone can be taken as evidence of the sincerity of conversion.It is relatively easy to maintain a relationship with practising brethren, even over distance: 'Many of our clergy have continued to keep in touch with converts when they have moved away from the area by social media.'Conversely, those who stop frequenting religious events shortly after being received to the church are more troubling.Therefore, reaching out to them might be seen as an effective tool not only in pastoral care but also in early detection or even terrorism prevention.Unfortunately, the churches do not make an effort to reach out to lapsed members.Alternatively, to put it more diplomatically, they do it 'in the same way that follow up would happen for anyone who has previously been a church member.'That is to say, not at all.In fact, among the very candid negative responses, others suggested that the problem of 'lapsed converts' does not exist, and statements like 'I am not aware of any lapsed Muslim converts' or 'I have never heard any of our parish priests say that converts have stopped worshipping in our churches after baptism and confirmation,' were not infrequent.
The above presents a relatively unproblematic picture that suggests instrumental conversions to be a non-issue rather than a problem.However, a more complex vista emerges when the institutional purview is combined with the bottom-up individual insights.None of my interlocutors, of whom four were converts themselves and one came from a mixed Muslim-Christian family, denied the existence of the fake conversion phenomenon.If anything, the converts were more open about it and expressed their belief that whitewashing or outright refusal to admit that the problem exists harms the community in the long run and thus should be tackled.
In a hypothetical scenario whereby a Muslim converts to Christianity and engages in violence, again, the meaning and nature of conversion are of critical significance.Interviewee 2 has discussed with me the three dimensions of every conversion: a physical (the external), an aesthetic (feelings, emotions) and an existential one concerning the essential value system.The answer to the question of what changes with the conversion is not unequivocal.Many converts struggle with the physical dimension because, unlike Islam, Christianity is not a very physical religion, and so it does not necessitate many external changes.In fact, many converts simply embrace the secular.The same applies to the aesthetic; a charismatic Christian can go that way, but reformed Christianity suppresses those, and traditional Catholicism relies on fides and ratio (faith and reason) more than anything else.This means that the value system is the key.One can put crosses on oneself and pray, but this can be an outer act.The question of the inner core remains: those who engage in violence proceed with conversion in the first and perhaps second dimension but not the third.The main challenge, then, is to decide on how to test the inner core.Can we discern through some falsehood?Interviewee 2 concluded that this is where the problems lie, which stipulates that one cannot separate the security side from the conversion side.
Converts do not think that the institutional church is ready for this or has any tools to tackle this problem.'Infiltration is not to be doubted-we know that-the state knows,' I heard in Interview 1.At the same time, my respondent stated quite adamantly that it is not for the church to do the state's job: 'There is awareness; most clergy are not security officials that means that the burden cannot be placed on them-the law enforcement needs to do their job, the church cannot take the place of the state.'This sentiment was widely shared: 'We are not the state, and we cannot start to function like an intelligence office' (Interview 5).
Simultaneously, this creates a new set of problems because, on the one hand, the state officials are often very ill-equipped to discern the genuineness of religious cases.A case of Copts applying for asylum due to religious persecution and being by default assigned a Muslim immigration officer because they were Egyptians was given as an example (Interview 1).On the other, existing strategies also create inadvertent security threats: 'Britain has allowed a negligible number of Christians [refugees] to Britain (because they are not in camps).In contrast, people who are coming from these camps [which are] run by Islamists, are a reason of concern' (Interview 1).Indeed, all the interviewees referred to the cases they knew that, though different, fall into the instrumental conversion category from 'an IS man [who] changed to Western appearance and took Christian name [then] entered Europe via Turkey,' (Interview 2), to a number of those who 'simply bought baptismal certificate' either in Europe (Interview 6) or before migrating there (Interview 3) as there is a number of churches in the Middle East where one can buy such documents (a church in Aleppo was directly mentioned).Others mentioned candidates who wanted to increase their chances of obtaining asylum (Interview 5) This is astounding when contrasted with two facts.Firstly, one of my respondents remarked that 'many Middle Eastern Christians do not even believe that a Muslim can really convert' (Interview 5).Secondly, the price many converts pay for leaving Islam is so steep that it frequently serves as a deterrent, not only for the prospective convert but also for clergy who would baptize such a person (Interview 4).
This sentiment somewhat echoes the institutional statements that conversion from Islam to Christianity 'takes courage and deep conviction.' Converts underlined that in the Church of England, baptisms are registered and effectively become public knowledge: 'You have extremists who'd go through this register and check for Muslim names to hunt them down and convert or coerce them to go back to Islam' (Interview 3).Another (Interview 2) concluded that 'Why is this Sunni or Shia boy becoming Christian?' should be a common question when facing a prospective convert.The consequences connected with conversion are based on the Islamic apostasy laws;51 priests were threatened (Interview 4), converts were killed in the UK (Interview 6), and they often lived in great fear or in hiding.One of the community leaders told me quite frankly that the 'baptismal certificate is a death certificate' (Interview 3).Others agreed that 'the price is very high, and persecution is a reality; we see it every day' (Interview 5).Given this dynamic, understanding whether someone is ready and willing to bear these burdens or is simply disregarding those might give clues as to the possibility of an instrumental conversion.
The failure of the Alpha system (Interview 3) was another concern, as my respondents understood that the church-based approach of Alpha is for Westernised secular people (Interview 1).There should be a separate, dedicated way for Muslims because the needs of a Muslim convert are different (Interview 5).They come 'not from a different planet but a different universe,' hence the need to correct previous preconceptions (Interview 6).The Western approach to Christianity does not help much, and the churches need another mechanism to deal with converts even though they obviously 'don't know how' (Interview 4).As far as pastoral responsibility is concerned, it is evident that a corporate course is not enough.Instead, personal interaction, community building, due diligence, and check-ups on the lapsed ones (Interviews 1, 4, and 5) are needed.This is more than merely an issue of belonging; converts need to be rooted.My respondents were very open that accompanying converts for one month or two and thinking 'it is done' is unrealistic.Conversion is a process, and churches need to give both room and people who can mentor-living models that can be learnt from, people who can be looked up to.In a very organic way, these tools would diminish the potential terrorist threat.Nonetheless, even these will not eliminate the threat entirely, as we need to remember that Al-Swealmeen lived with a devout Christian family.
This brings us back to the initial differentiation between the three dimensions of a conversion.The converts indicated that they are typically given a simple choice between outward assimilation, i.e. a 'changed name and look so everyone thinks you're one of us, but you remain a stranger' (Interview 5) or creating a parallel structure (Interview 3).In both cases, it is easy to drop out, especially in the cathedrals where people go because they can be anonymous (Interview 1).In fact, I was told that in England, with the exception of Iranians, about 95% of Muslim converts go back to Islam (Interview 2).
'When someone is backsliding, I always ask what didn't we do, collectively,' one of the community leaders confessed (Interview 5).The institutional dimension was again indicated here as part of the problem.'Most Anglican dioceses have interfaith divisions, and this means that Muslim converts create problems' (Interview 2) because instead of a dialogue, one can be accused of proselytism (Interview 4).Indeed, one of the survey answers to the question on reaching out to the lapsed Muslim converts stated: 'No.I simply maintain warm and friendly relations with the Islamic community, and would engage with individual enquiries as and if they arise.'While laudable, such an approach also renders the fake conversion much easier.

To conclude: what can be done?
By unpacking the concept of instrumental conversions, this paper challenges not only looking beyond the concept of a terrorist threat understood solely as a post-conversion phenomenon but also the conceptual unidirectionality that tends to focus on conversions to Islam as being potential radicalisation markers.The key contribution of the article lies in its multifaceted examination of conversions from Islam to Christianity, addressing the complex interplay between security considerations, pastoral challenges, and the nuances of the conversion process.By adopting a comprehensive framework, the paper offers a nuanced understanding of this intricate phenomenon.This analytical depth contributes to the existing body of knowledge by providing a more holistic perspective on the motivations and experiences of individuals undergoing religious conversion.In this regard, the article's exploration of the security implications associated with conversions presents a novel contribution to the scientific discourse.It sheds light on the potential risks and challenges security agencies face in discerning genuine conversions from those undertaken for instrumental purposes.The call for collaborative efforts between religious institutions, immigration authorities, and security agencies adds a pragmatic dimension to the discussion, highlighting the need for interagency cooperation.In addition, the article's examination of the role of churches in the conversion process, including the proposal for tailored catechumenal programs and the promotion of inclusive pastoral care, contributes valuable insights to the field.By emphasising the importance of ethical conversion verification and cross-denominational collaboration, the article navigates the delicate balance between security imperatives and the protection of individual religious freedoms.
It remains to be seen whether the fact that the Liverpool bomber was exposed will make churches more aware and other terrorist wannabes will be deterred or will remain an exception.However, the exception proves the rule as long as it is contained in it; therefore, the case of the Liverpool bombing should not be dismissed lightly.Instead, we should consider what can be done in order for it to remain so.
The Liverpool Cathedral said it had 'developed robust processes for discerning whether someone might be expressing a genuine commitment to faith.' 52 In the aftermath of the bombing, the church has adamantly claimed that they are not aware of converts abusing the asylum system, 53 which was also confirmed by my findings.Both the survey and the interviews echoed the Church of England statement arguing that it is not the role of the clergy to establish whether an asylum claim was legitimate, insisting that they are not aware of any evidence to suggest a widespread correlation between bogus conversions and asylum claims.
Nonetheless, the Liverpool bombing also made it evident that more than asylum is at stake when it comes to instrumental conversion, and the whole process of becoming a Christian is the weakest link from the security perspective.Consequently, there is no comprehensive infrastructure for former Muslims and no standardised programmes for bringing and establishing them in Christianity outside the standard Alpha courses meant for everyone.Moreover, the network of centres where converts can meet, learn and exchange experiences is only being built, so its potential for outreach remains very limited.Such a situation means that each individual converts independently and, after conversion, finds himself in the middle of nowhere.Community helps, but because converts from Islam are still relatively few, it is easier for them just to blend in, and so they vanish among the wider Christian crowd.To address this inherent weakness, one-on-one instruction with converts tailoring the instruction to their level of prior religious knowledge, educational background, and personal need is necessary as the onesize-fits-all approach profits no one.Ideally, in this lengthy process, the catechumens should be led and guided by sponsors, who should also be vetted and expected to participate in the formation and beyond.Some converts argue that it is necessary for people who facilitate converts' transition into Christianity to be converts themselves, to have personally experienced all the difficulties in order to be able to act efficiently.On the other hand, there are also voices claiming that because converts are so new to the religion, those coming to Christianity from Islam must be adequately supervised by cradle Christians; otherwise, it is very easy for the new believers to stray away or only pretend to change.However, Mr Hitchcott, who shared his home with Al-Swealmeen for eight months, was not only a devout Christian but also a former British Army soldier and hence someone more equipped to deal with security issues than a regular parishioner.Still, he admitted that 'there was nothing to suggest he [Al-Swealmeen] could go on to become radicalised' as there was 'never any suggestion of anything amiss.' 54 At the same time, by his own admission, he was aware that his Bible meetings were being targeted by Muslims pretending to convert to Christianity and personally identified several who were only pretending to have renounced. 55In this, we see a mixture of opportunism on the part of fake converts and the exact frontline behaviour identified by Goffman and pointed out by Sageman.Hence, from the security perspective, the main challenge is to facilitate and help converts throughout the crucial first period after conversion via proper conversion, strengthening community capacities.
Naturally, some converts come with insincere motifs; the challenge is how to vet simple disingenuity from the potential terrorist threat and, consequently, how to respond to the latter.The key difference here is between someone who is genuine but struggling and someone who is ingenuine but outwardly stellar.While the responses from within the institutional church tend to either whitewash or outright deny the problem, the converts and all the community leaders I interviewed acknowledged their responsibility towards society.'We are part of the society, and everything that will harm the society will harm us,' one of them said.Because the institutional church does not respond to the needs of the former Muslims, the community organised itself in a very grassroots manner.Herein lies an untapped potential that can and should be used in terrorism prevention.
Several potential policy responses warrant consideration.Firstly, it is imperative to establish standardized record-keeping mechanisms within churches.Creating and maintaining comprehensive databases can play a pivotal role in tracking and monitoring conversions, capturing crucial details about individuals' backgrounds, motivations, and ongoing pastoral needs.
Secondly, recognizing the unique challenges associated with conversions, there is a pressing need for specialized training programs designed for clergy.These programs should encompass crucial elements, including security awareness, cultural sensitivity, and insights into the distinctive hurdles faced by individuals transitioning from Islam.This underscores the necessity for enhanced interagency collaboration.Facilitating cooperation between religious institutions, immigration authorities, and security agencies can offer a more comprehensive understanding of conversion cases, constituting a crucial policy measure.This approach ensures a holistic perspective, addressing potential security risks while upholding the principles of religious freedom.
Last but not least, the establishment of pastoral support networks that extend beyond the conversion period is vital.Encouraging sustained relationships between converts and mentors or supportive peer groups can provide ongoing guidance, preventing isolation and mitigating potential risks of radicalization.
However, the state is blind to this resource and so far has focused its efforts elsewhere.On 16 December 2021, the British government announced newly planned measures meant to protect the public by reducing the threat posed by the illicit use of explosives precursors and poisons.The authorities published a consultation on proposals to strengthen the controls under the Poisons Act 1972, which sets out controls of explosives precursors and poisons and restricts access to the most dangerous materials.The Poisons Act 1972 permits a licensing regime for the general public's purchase and use of regulated substances for legitimate purposes when there is a legitimate need and no safer alternative.It means that the proposed policy measures concentrate on the supply, not the demand, and the response entirely ignores the convert.
Finally, whereas the Liverpool bombing shows that the myth that conversions from Islam are always benign and eschew political violence must be questioned, the rationale of assessing the potential terrorist threat on the basis of their religiosity and external identity markers (e.g.dress, devotion to religious practices, like praying or fasting) must also be challenged given the blind spot of instrumental conversions delineated in this paper.Instrumental converts do not necessarily have to be more religious than other members of the community, and hence accepting by principle the imminent danger purportedly posed by the pious believers and securitising religious identity is thus a dead-end policy, which used selectively excludes and antagonizes those who should be engaged in anti-radicalisation debates.In this regard, the significance of Churches in the counter-terrorist effort cannot be overstated, as evidenced by my fieldwork.My research underscores the need to develop catechumenal programs specifically tailored to individuals converting from Islam.These programs should comprehensively address the cultural, theological, and security dimensions associated with such conversions.
Furthermore, stressing the importance of ethical and pastoral approaches in verifying the authenticity of conversions is paramount.Church leaders must exercise discernment while respecting the rights of individuals seeking conversion, finding a delicate balance between security concerns and religious freedoms.Promoting inclusive pastoral care practices that extend beyond standardised courses is essential in achieving this equilibrium.In this regard, church communities should be encouraged to adapt their support structures to the individual needs of converts, fostering a sense of belonging and mitigating the risk of lapsed conversions.
Lastly, fostering collaboration between different Christian denominations is crucial.Cross-denominational efforts facilitate the exchange of insights and best practices related to conversions, fortifying the support system for converts and enhancing the overall effectiveness of pastoral care as an element of broader counter-radicalisation policy.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Table 1 .
Research questionnaire data.

Table 2 .
Leaders and key stakeholders interviewed.