The reaction to the war which came: an examination of a cold war shelter from the 1960s and the Swedish response to the war in Ukraine

ABSTRACT This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between civilians and politicians towards cold war air-raid shelters in Sweden, and how the encounter between Russia and Ukraine might affect how individuals perceive what was previously considered obsolete relics of the cold war. The study makes use of the air-raid shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 in Gothenburg and interviews are conducted with its tenants, the landlord of the apartment building, as well as a local politician currently part of the municipality council. The text applies a theoretical framework based on post-colonial theories such as Homi Bhabha’s Encounter and Third-Space theories, and it is stressed that a change in the relationship between civilians, the shelter and Sweden’s national foreign policy is the result of the encounter between both Ukraine and Russia. This result is attained by focusing on the case study Halvtumsgatan 3, through interviews, and observing policy changes from the Swedish government.

have sought aid from NATO (Zetterberg 2007;Karlsson 1995, 38-40;Nordin 2018).The most telling proof that Sweden kept closer ties with NATO is the fact that Sweden kept its radio equipment and airfields to NATO standard, and that these could have been used by NATO personnel if it ever was required.Sweden held closer cultural ties with the West than with the East.Sweden's neighbours Norway and Denmark had already joined the military alliance during its formation in 1949 (cf.Holmström 2011).Thus, it is hard to argue against that Sweden's natural position might lay with the alliance which more closely represented its values.
This closeness with one side of the Cold War could be considered a bit hypocritical, and perhaps it clearly shows that Sweden was only neutral in name, and not really in practice.And this is also one of the many criticisms that Sweden received over the years (cf.Hagglof 1960).Yet, even if that is the case, this pragmatism when it comes to its neutrality and foreign policy had worked well for Sweden in the past.Attempting to work together with both sides and try to remain non-aligned had seen Sweden avoid the fates of Denmark and Norway during the Second World War and had allowed Sweden to gain economic advantages when the rest of Europe experienced a destructive war.During the Second World War, Sweden both gave in to the demands of the Axis powers as well as aiding the Allies in defeating them.Sweden allowed Nazi-Germany to transport troops through the nation and was an important provider of iron ore, all whilst simultaneously aiding the Danish and Norwegian resistances, accepting Jewish refugees, and handing over decoded German messages (Gilmour 2011, 113-117;Zetterberg 2007).It was a give-and-take game between two factions, and it was a game which Sweden continued to play as the opposing sides changed during the Cold War.
Sweden did not sign up for NATO and there are a few reasons that might explain why Sweden opted to go its own way.The difference between Sweden and its Scandinavian neighbours meant that unlike both Denmark and Norway, Sweden managed to avoid being occupied during the Second World War.Thus, there was no contemporary relationship to the notion of falling under the direct sway of a foreign power.Sweden had since the break-up of the Kalmar Union in the 16 th century been a self-governing, and independent state, something which that would change if you were no longer completely in control of your own foreign policies.These two reasons combined with the fact that Sweden's neutrality had served them well over the last century might have played the most vital part in Sweden's decision to opt out of the defensive alliance, because it appeared to interfere with the policies which Sweden sought to apply.
Even if Sweden carried a closer bond to the West, this non-relationship was without its incidents.Sweden continued throughout the Cold War to be a vocal advocate for selfgovernance and the non-aligned block.This stance did not always go over well with the USA and the USSR.During the Olof Palme administration in the 1960s and early 1970s, Palme's speeches against the war in Vietnam caused the USA to break all diplomatic contacts with Sweden on more than one occasions (Brommesson 2018, 391-392).That Sweden was able to continue speaking up against such conflicts was a direct result of the fact that Sweden had remained non-aligned, that they were beholden to neither of the superpowers.It is difficult to imagine that Sweden could have been as outspoken against American bombings if they had been an official member of NATO (Brommesson 2018, 391-394).

Conclusion of Sweden's Foreign Policy between 1945-1991 and its lasting effects
It can be concluded that during the period between 1945 and 1991, the Swedish population had to be prepared for a possible conflict between the two superpowers and the possibility of a full-scale nuclear Armageddon holocaust, but also prepare for a potential ground invasion from the eastern soviet bloc.As the country systematized itself for these circumstances by various means, preparative information could also be found in the telephone directory concerning how to act if the war arrived in Sweden.This information focused on where one should go and which air-raid shelters that should be used, but it also contained instructions on how civilians could resist and combat back any potential aggressors, and how Swedish partisan warfare should be carried out in the case of the regular army's collapse (Armémuseum 2022).Yet as all these preparations were being made, it is also possible to see that between 1945 and 1991, Sweden clearly favoured the West over the East, and that even if Sweden claimed a non-aligned position, their preparations appeared to favour NATO over the Warsaw Pact.
This closeness between Sweden and NATO is perhaps most visible than ever before, when in the wake of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, both Sweden and Finland made a joint application to join the defensive alliance (RFL 2022).However, before that decision had been taken, Sweden had actively taken part in joint military operations, such as the 2014 NATO operation wherein Sweden worked together with the Alliance to hold a no-fly zone over Libya's air space (Doeser 2014, 196-213).There have also been ample of other peacekeeping missions which Sweden has taken part in and which NATO has been involved in, which shows a shared history between the two sides which never existed between Sweden and the East (BBC 2022).The clearest example of this would be Sweden's participation in the NATO led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF).After the US-led invasion of Afghanistan to overthrow the Taliban government in 2001, ISAF was a NATO-led mission in that country.The main objectives of the mission were to assist the Afghan government take control of the nation, support efforts for development and reconstruction, and provide security and stability in Afghanistan.Sweden helped the ISAF by sending troops to the region in a non-combat capacity, primarily to aid in development and reconstruction projects.The fact that Sweden swiftly turned towards NATO in the wake of Russia's invasion of Ukraine can perhaps help us understand the relationship that Sweden kept with the defensive alliance even in the past, because it certainly indicates where Sweden's loyalty lay even if they sought to remain non-aligned and neutral.
Before the 24 th of February 2022, many of these threats may have felt like a distant memory, and as something that belonged firmly in the pages of history.As late as 2021 did air-raid shelters appear as little more than remnants of the past, something that appeared as an annoyance and served as little more than storage facilities (Andersson 2021, 59-60).However, the war in Europe and the Russian invasion of Ukraine has once again put the notion of war back in the day-to-day life of the Swedish population, and this has changed the view on NATO membership (Aftonbladet 2022).

Other examples of readiness
It should be made clear that Sweden is not the only example of a nation that prepares itself for conflict with its stronger neighbour.It is something that can also be seen within other nations that border superpowers.Two good representatives of this scenario would be Sweden's fellow Nordic country Finland but also Albania.Both these two-example had to contend with many of the same challenges which Sweden faced, and this can also be viewed in the number of bunkers and shelters which have been constructed within both Albania and Finland (cf. Lassarerre, Bennett, and Enkeleda 2022;Quester 1990).These are all signs of what minor nations must endure to remain independent and unwilling to submit to an adjacent power.This paper will focus on a case study within Sweden, but it is not hard to imagine that there might exist similar experiences within countries such as Albania and Finland, two nations that still carry the traces of their nation's preparedness.The encounters that civilians have with these remnants become an extension of the cultural exchange which that these countries had had with their neighbouring states.

Purpose and aims
This article intends to examine the relationship that current tenants and the landlord have with the shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 in Gothenburg, Sweden.The air-raid shelter at this location was in 2021 viewed as little more than a relic of the Cold War, and it is the purpose of this article to see if the war in Ukraine might have altered this perception.Thus, the shelter can by extension be viewed as a focal point for the larger political exchange that is currently occurring in the world and how civilians in Sweden view these events.This paper aims to discuss more contemporary developments and discuss how the recent conflict in Ukraine and Sweden's application to NATO might have changed how tenants, the landlord at Halvtumsgatan 3, as well as local officials view these remnants from the Cold War.

Research background
This paper focuses on the Swedish response to the current situation in eastern Europe, and the effects which the encounter have in regard to the average citizen's relationship with their air-raid shelters.Simultaneously, the paper strives towards giving some insight into how this conflict has impacted Sweden's foreign policy, and politicians' feelings towards the countless air-raid shelters that exist throughout the nation.As the focus of this paper is on an air-raid shelter from the 1960s, it is important to base it within the boundaries of modern conflict archaeology.Modern conflict archaeology is an ever expanding and growing field within the realm of contemporary archaeology, and there has been plenty written on this subject (cf.Ainsworth et al. 2018;Axelsson and Persson 2016;Axelsson et al. 2018;Burström 2015;Gustafsson et al. 2017;Hanson and Nassaney 2016;Macdonald 2009;Schofield 2005;Schofield and Cocroft 2007).These have primarily focused on various Cold War locations, so it is safe to say that the study of the Cold War is by no means anything new or unorthodox.There are also those who have specifically studied air-raid shelters (Andersson 2021;Moshenska 2010Moshenska , 2021)).This paper draws a lot of inspiration from these authors and will hopefully contribute to the overall discourse that is modern conflict archaeology.
However, even if there are similarities and the theme might be within the same arena, there are still some stark differences in what is being examined.For example, both Schofield (2005) and (Ainsworth et al. 2018) carry a focus on more global case studies and do not necessarily have the knowledge when it comes to Sweden's past or what occurred within the nation.The same can also be said about Moshenska who has carried out several studies regarding air-raid shelters in Spain (Moshenska 2010, 54-56) and Britain (Moshenska 2021).Yet, none of them has sought to work more closely on Swedish air-raid shelters and the role they played during the Cold War or in our contemporary society.
Even if these studies are not identical, it is still important to draw inspiration from previous research on similar topics.It is not feasible to compare these works to this paper and hopefully this will contribute to existing research and how it is possible to apply conflict archaeology on Cold War material.Therefore, with all this in mind there is still a need to continue research into Sweden's past and the individual's relationship with it.Sweden, in similarity with many nations, still carries remnants from its Cold War period, bunkers, air-raid shelters, and other objects, and due to the current situation, these former relics are now coming back to life.
It is important to note that this paper is a continuation of the author's work from 2021 (cf.Andersson 2021), and that the focus will lay on examining how the relationship between the tenant, landlord, politicians, and the air-raid shelter can have been altered because of the war in Ukraine.The previous study indicated that there existed a certain indifference because a war appeared unlikely.The previous article suggested that in some ways Sweden had prepared for a war which never came, and perhaps all that military spending been for nothing (Andersson 2021, 60-61).Nevertheless, a lot has changed since the Russian invasion of Ukraine and therefore there is a need to revisit what the reaction to this changed geopolitical landscape has been, and what this means for the Cold War shelter which had almost been taken for granted.

Theoretical framework
This paper will take a point of departure in Homi Bhabha's theoretical framework of both Encounters and the Third Space (cf.Bhabha 1994;Bhabha, Hall, and Du Gay 1996).Bhabha's theories are vital in this case study since they not only allow one to view the shelter as something that came as a direct result of political encounter (Andersson 2021).Simultaneously, these theories can also be applied in helping us understand the changing relationship between the tenant, landlord, and politicians, because of Europe's changing geopolitical landscape.
With the shelter as a staging point, the theories of both Encounters and the Third Space allows us to view not only the micro level, but also the macro.The micro in this case-study being the current and former tenants, and landlords' changing relationship with the airshelter.The on-going conflict between Ukraine and Russia is the necessary Encounter which might possibly trigger the creation of a new Third-Space between the tenants and the landlord.Simultaneously, this approach allows the study to take things further and not only study the micro, but also the macro, which in this situation are the politicians changing relationship to Sweden's defensive policies, and how the current conflict might affect how their view of the sheltering of its citizen.Therefore, there is no denying that there are plenty of encounters occurring and there are many Third Spaces which are being created because of what is currently happening in Eastern Europe.
These encounters are both between the tenants, the landlord, and the air-shelter.This specific encounter is something that was documented in 2021, and the result indicated that the air-raid shelter was seen as nothing more than an annoyance, and that it was not seen as a lifesaving part of the apartment complex (Andersson 2021).Yet, as the world is changing around us, perhaps due to Sweden's changing relationship with Russia, and as an entry into NATO appears ever more likely, this macro encounter between states, might create an alteration in the lesser micro encounters between the air-raid shelter and the tenants.This change in attitude will in turn represent a possible new Third Space, a space which was created solely as a direct result of a larger encounter between nation-states.
It could be argued that all levels of Sweden's reaction to the war that came are an encounter, and when the dust settles, the results of these encounters will represent the Third Space which was created because of them.This is not very different from how the air-raider shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 can be viewed as a Third Space created from the encounter between Sweden and the former USSR (Andersson 2021, 49-50).The same argument can also be applied when discussing Sweden's foreign policy during the Cold War.Since Sweden chose to remain neutral rather than siding directly with any of the global superpowers, and the nation's foreign and domestic policies reflected this.Yet, without the tension between the East and the West, Sweden's foreign and domestic policies might have appeared radically different.Therefore, an encounter between the West and the East had to occur for history to play out the way it did and for a Third-Space to be created.
There are other perks with applying Bhabha's theories, such as the fact that they are written in a post-colonial world, and this is mirrored and fixed in our contemporary society.That they are more current will hopefully allow for more information and knowledge to be gathered from this study.The choice of the theoretical framework also holds a value since it centres the study to be more interdisciplinary, and since the sources are quite varied this will hopefully increase the collected results.There are other examples of where the usage of encounters has been applied (cf.Hjørungdal and Holmberg 2016).Naturally, it should be stated that this study will only approach one shelter out of an estimated 65 000 (Krisinformation 1 2022), and that the views of the tenant and the landlord in the apartment complex cannot represent every single individual.However, what the study can do is to give an idea in how a changing political landscape might alter how we view something that might have been taken for granted, or that might even have been entirely forgotten.

Method and source material
The data and material sources used in this article were collected from several various sources.The study focuses on the relationship between tenants and the material culture of a civilian air-raid shelter which was built within an apartment complex from the 1960s, and how the contemporary conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and if Sweden's imminent accession to NATO might have changed this dynamic.Since the study examines and documents the changing relationship between the people who both live, and formerly lived there and the shelter, as well as Sweden's evolving geopolitical position, it is important to make use of several sources, such as various websites, state directives, and other information are provided by the government.The study also gathers insight into the lives of the tenants as well as local politicians and how their views might have altered as a reaction to the now on-going conflict in eastern Europe.Simultaneously, the study also collects its information from past contemporary archaeological studies approaching the period of 1945-1991 and written material from this period, in addition to previous research that has been conducted on comparable material remains (cf.Burström 2015; Axelsson and Persson 2016;Ainsworth et al. 2018, González-Ruibal 2019;Moshenska 2010Moshenska , 2021;;Andersson 2021).
The air-raid shelter which will be the focus and primary empirical source for this study is located inside the apartment building at Halvtumsgatan 3 in Flatås, Gothenbrug, and it was constructed in 1963-1964.The building and the air-raid shelter were chosen due to it being an ideal representation of an apartment complex that was built during the height of the Cold War and that was outfitted with an air-raid shelter meant to withstand an aerial assault from an aggressor.However, the location was also chosen because the author's previous study (cf.Andersson 2021) took place within the same building.It is now of interest to see if recent developments have caused a shift in awareness towards the airraid shelter.The previous study focused both on the documentation of the air-raid shelter as well as the relationship between the shelter and the tenants who live in the apartment building.The preceding paper highlighted a clear indifference and lack of knowledge regarding the shelter, and it appeared more of an annoyance than a lifesaver in case of war (Andersson 2021, 61-63).Thus, it is the purpose of this paper to see if the recent geopolitical shift in Europe might alter the relationship between the tenants and the shelter.
This paper also seeks to apply a more regional and national-wide view on Sweden's reaction to the war in Ukraine and therefore interviews with local political figures are part of the empiric data.The documentation primarily consists of interviews with tenants, the landlord of Halvtumsgatan 3, and a politician.Previous archaeological papers on the subject are used to compare how a changing geopolitical landscape might alter a relationship to remnants of past conflicts (cf.Burström 2015; Axelsson and Persson 2016;Axelsson et al. 2018;Ainsworth et al. 2018, González-Ruibal 2019;Moshenska 2010Moshenska , 2021)).
Hence, the knowledge which is meant to be produced in this paper focuses on the question of how quickly a relationship can change, and how swiftly the past can make itself reminded.At the time of writing in August 2022, it was less than a year ago that a Cold War scenario appeared distant, and these numerous air-raid shelters served as representations of a bygone age, an age which none hoped to ever experience again.Discussions of the possibility of nuclear war have yet again returned.This paper will hopefully give some clarity into how the everyday Swede has reacted to the war in Ukraine, as well as how the status of these air-raid shelters might have altered since February of 2022.One can discuss if this discourse is of any importance, or if it is necessary to delve into the value of this topic.This paper argues that it is, because it both highlights our humanity, as well as serving as a stark reminder that history is doomed to repeat itself, and that the era of the Cold War is not really forgotten.It walks amongst us.

The Swedish government's reaction to the war in Ukraine
Sweden's reaction to the war in Ukraine has taken several forms, not least with the application to join the defensive alliance NATO.The support for a Swedish membership has seen an increase in some polls, and for the first time it appears as if most Swedes want to join the defensive alliance (Aftonbladet).Though Sweden do not wish to depend on NATO alone, another reaction to the conflict has been to reinforce its own defences.This rearmament is taking the form of military equipment and the creation of a stronger cyber defence against potential hackers (Government 1).
However, as well as fortifying its own position by joining NATO and increasing military spendings, Sweden made it abundantly clear that it stands with Ukraine and opposes the Russian invasion of the country.The Swedish government has since the start of the conflict been very vocal about its opposition to what is occurring in eastern Europe, and it has not stopped at mere words.Sweden has provided financial, military, and medical aid.Sweden also joined many other nations in sanctioning Russia to try and force them to depart their current conquest (Government 2).
The Swedish government's reaction to the war in Ukraine has been to stand up against Russia, to support Kiev's continued independence from Moscow, and to strengthen its own capabilities in the case of an armed conflict with a foreign power.This reaction to the war has forever changed Sweden's foreign policy, and even if to a certain agree Sweden's neutrality ended in 1995 when it joined the European Union, Swedish membership in NATO would be the final nail in the coffin for Sweden's time as a non-aligned nation.

Guidelines and the current situation regarding shelters in Sweden and current usage
Sweden has several requirements for air-raid shelters to be considered adequate to be allowed to safeguard its citizen.These rules were set up after the Second World War.During the Cold War, these rules did not go through any major changes, although minor adjustments have been made over the years, but nothing which has drastically changed how a Swedish air-raid shelter looks like.There are a few reasons for why they have not gone through any major changes.One of the main reasons is that there is meant to be equality in usage.Of course, there are exceptions to these rules such as Klara (8000 m 2 ) and Katarina (11,600 m 2 ) (Fortifikation 2022).However, air-raid shelters that are intended for civilian usages are meant to be built to a proper standard, irrespective of where your apartment complex is located.
All shelters are meant to be able to withstand a potential gas attack, therefore there must there always be an air passage that is an inlet as well as an outlet, which can be both turned on and off to ensure that the hostile gas can both be kept out and let out (Ramboll 2022).This ventilation system can be used through the usage of a machine, but there should always be an option to use it manually (Krisinformation 1).
There is another requirement and that is the need for water.When the alarm has gone out that there is a conflict occurring, the air-raid shelter must be able to store water.Simultaneously, there must also be a drainage which ought to be able to be closed off for the same reason as the air vent if hostile gas is trying to get inside (Ramboll 2022; Law 2022).
Walls and ceilings inside the shelter must also be adequate and the measurements must be at a minimum of 350 millimetres thick.Should the shelter be in a basement or underground then 250 millimetres is sufficient.Together with these measurements is the bottom plate which must be at least 200 millimetres thick (Ramboll 2022).Shelters are also outfitted with dry toilets which are meant to be utilized if the air-raid shelter is in use (Krisinformation 1 2022).
It is important to note that these civilian shelters were never meant to be a lasting refuge for those who sought them out but instead were built to be used for some fortyeight hours (MSB 2022).Today, shelters have primarily been turned into storage facilities, and the apartment complex at Halvtumsgatan 3 is no different.During my 2021 investigation of the air-raid shelter, it could clearly be seen how it was being used as a storage space for the tenant's belongings (Andersson 2021).Yet, as with all other civilian air-raid shelters, it must be at the ready to be cleared out, and should the alarm go off, the tenants have forty-eight hours to clear out their possessions before the shelter must be up and running.However, the maintenance of the shelter falls to the property owner and they in turn answer to the Swedish government.The government do check-ups to ensure that the shelters are up to date and that they are being maintained to the correct standard.This is usually where the private sector comes in and private companies provide the service of both inspection as well as correcting whatever is necessary (Briab 2022).
During much of the 20th century it was mandatory to outfit civilian apartment complexes with an air-raid shelter and it was something which was required for those wishing to construct a new building.But since 2002 and the end of the Cold War it is no longer required, and it was not until 2017 that it became a topic of discussion.This debate has flared up in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.It is estimated that some 430.000buildings are currently without a shelter, and it is estimated that Sweden only has room for roughly 70% of its population which is about seven million people (SVT 2022; Krisinformation 1 2022).

Brief overview of the location and the history of the apartment complex
The apartment complex that is featured in this article is located at Halvtumsgatan 3 in Flatås, which is situated in the south-western parts of the greater Gothenburg area.Prior to being swallowed by the city, Flatås was little more than a handful of farms, and it was not initially a part of the city (Rörberg 1992).The area truly began to be populated in the 1920s during a period when Gothenburg encouraged its citizen to expand and build homesteads in the outskirts of the city.Flatås also carry a military history and during the period between 1945 and 1962, parts of the area were used by the Göta Air Defence Regiment, whose purpose it was to safeguard Gothenburg's air space in case of an armed conflict (Platerud 1992).However, the area would during the 1940s become increasingly more incorporated into the city of Gothenburg.Ultimately, full incorporation came about when the municipality of Västra Frölunda became a part of the City of Gothenburg.Nevertheless, when the countryside and its farmsteads vanished, opportunities for job and industry appeared and this is also what happened to Flatås.When the area was well and truly integrated into the city, it brought with it a steady population growth and the demand for new housing (Holmdahl 1977).This is also when the apartment complex that feature in this paper was built.The construction of Halvtumsgatan began in 1962 and it was completed in 1964 (Andersson 2021).It was built by the Dahlberg family whom to this day still manage and ensure that the building continues to function.Thus, it is possible to argue that the apartment building and the air-raid shelter which was constructed in conjunction with it was well and truly built during the height of the Cold War.

The air-raid shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3
In this section, a brief examination of the shelter will be conducted and is meant to give an overview of its current appearance.This section of the paper will primarily show the brief history of the Cold War shelter as well as its current usage and how it is being used today.

Map over the shelter(s)
After entering through the front door as seen on Figure 1 and being met by the clear sign as seen on Figure 2 are you well on your way into the shelter.The first thing that you are met by after stepping into the shelter is a navigation map. Figure 3 is a navigation map over the Cold War shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 and it is a good way of getting a general idea of its appearance as well as its construction.As can be observed, the shelter has been built in two separate sections shelter 1 and 2. The two shelters are both part of the apartment complex at Halvtumsgatan 3 and both are being managed by the same landlord, and that is why both are referred to as simply 'the shelter'.
Shelter 1 is located at the lower end of the map under the name 'Skyddsrum 1' whilst the second section is located the top of the map under the name 'Skyddsrum 2'.Both sections are currently being used for storage, and each shelter is filled with apartment numbers to represent storage units.The map has gone out of its way to highlight that the walls of the shelter are thicker than other parts of the map.The thicker walls help to ensure that the tenants are aware that the shelter is not like other parts of the storage facility.It is also a reference to the measurements which were being discussed in the previous section since it helps to establish that which were being mentioned in regard to the requirements of a Swedish air-raid shelter.

The company that constructed the door to the shelter and the year of construction
Figure 4 shows a sign that was placed there by the company that put in the thick shelter and it also shows the year which it was put in place.The year which the door was put in place is in many ways etched into the very core of the Cold War since it was the same year of the Cuban Missile Crisis.The company that constructed the door did most likely not contribute to killing any civilians and by most account they cannot be considered a war manufacturer.Yet, it can still serve as a reminder of those earning a profit on both war and conflict.

Inside the shelter
The shelter itself as previously highlighted by the map is currently being used for storage and it is abundantly clear what its main purpose is. Figure 5 is a good example of what most of the storage units inside Shelter 1 (cf.Figure 7) and 2 (cf. Figure 5) look like.They are filled to the brim with personal belongings and as will be discussed later in the paper many of these tenants do not necessarily think too much about the original purpose of the shelter.Yet, there are still elements of the shelter's true purpose left and one such example is the corridor which leads into shelter 1.The corridor is an outlier in the sense that it keeps the feeling of a bunker due to its lack of storage facilities.When walking this long pathway you can truly get the sensation of being below ground and it is not difficult to imagine the explosions above.
However, as soon as you step foot inside shelter section 1 are you swiftly reminded by the fact that this shelter is lucky enough not to be used for its intended purpose.Figures 5,  6 and 7 demonstrate the contemporary usage of the shelter.
The shelter is blissfully unaware of the conflict in Ukraine and the tenants have not been forced to clear out their belongings to make room for individuals.The filled storage spaces stand in unison with many of the comments made by the current tenants which will be discussed in the next section of the study.The shelter and its current usage can help to exemplify the stark contrast between a nation at war and one at peace.During peace time, these spaces are used to harbour everything from childhood memories to Christmas decorations and a fair amount of junk that perhaps should have been thrown out.
Yet, during wartime, this shelter could be everything standing between a citizen and an untimely death.This specific shelter is not ordinary by any stretch of the imagination and there are plenty more of them within Sweden.But there is still something very alluring about these monuments of the Cold War and how they both represent our past and our present.The shelter and its counterparts stand as monoliths of the previous century and the struggles which that generation faced.Simultaneously, this shelter and others are filled to the brim with contemporary objects within their protection, thus bridging the gap between the past and the present in a way which few relics of the Cold War does.It is possible to make the argument that these Cold War shelters are the perfect examples of a Third Space which was created in the past due to the Encounter between the two global superpowers at the time, the USA, and the USSR (Andersson 2021).During the height of the Cold War, they were a manifestation of Sweden's preparation for a war which would never arrive.The shelter itself is the Third Space created because without Sweden's position between the West and the East it is possible that it would not have been built at all.

Reactions on the micro and macro levels
Thus, it is time to discuss the reaction to the war in Ukraine on both the Micro and Macro level.The interviews which were conducted were done through email and by phone.There were no physical meetings between me and the individuals which have opted to take part in this study.The interview that was conducted with the politician was done over email, and the ones with the landlord, tenants and former tenants were held over phone.There will also be a summary of Sweden's national response to the conflict in Ukraine which falls under the Macro perspective.The questions asked can be seen at the end of the paper, this section of the text will be a synthesized summary of their responses to the inquiry.

Interview with tenants and former tenants
After having conducted interviews with seven of the tenants currently living inside the apartment building and three former tenants, it becomes clear that the war in Ukraine has not necessarily changed the indifference present in 2021 towards the shelter.
The seven individuals who were interviewed were a mixture of individuals ranging from individuals in their 20s up to their 60s.The relationship that they held was still that of a location that is used for storage and not much else.They all stressed that since the outbreak of the war they had not received any additional information on how to make the best use of the shelter in times of conflict.None of them held any views on the shelter and the current conflict in Ukraine had not really changed their perception of it.To them, the war felt foreign and unimaginable.However, they all claimed that since the outbreak of the war they had worried more about a potential conflict.Yet it had not been enough that they might start to reflect on the usage of the air-raid shelter and what that might be like.
The three former tenants that were interviewed were a range of individuals between the ages of 50 to 80.The three former tenants that were interviewed were of a somewhat different opinion since these individuals had lived at Halvtumsgatan 3 during the height of the Cold War and had moved in shortly after the apartment complex stood finished.They were more aware of the shelter than those which currently lived there, and they could draw comparisons to the Cold War.They reflected on the feeling of unease and the fear of nuclear war, and they saw the shelter as more of a necessity than anything else.

Interview with the landlord
The landlord which was interviewed within the boundaries of this paper was the same individual who was interviewed in 2021.He was asked six questions that were meant to investigate if his relationship to the shelter has changed since the start of the conflict in Ukraine.The responses that were given were that the war in Ukraine had not drastically changed his view on the shelter, but rather that he had been made somewhat more aware of it as a result of the war.According to him, his relationship had not necessarily changed, at least not more than that the war had made him consider a full-scale conflict more than what he had done before.Therefore, the conflict had made him think twice about the prospect of war which in turn had made him reflect on the air-raid shelter.
He was also upfront when he stated that he had not received any new information from the state, at least not more than the updated information which is being shared from the government's own website 'government.se'or from the website 'krisinformation' which is the Swedish government's website that deal with crisis information.However, except for the available information, nobody from the local municipality or the city of Gothenburg had been in contact with him, and he had been left to prepare the shelter all by himself and to the best of his own capabilities.However, he was quite understanding of the fact that it might be difficult for the city to make an emergency inspection of his shelter in such a short span of time.He also mentioned that he felt that seeing that these rules and regulations are imposed on the landlord by the government, that they should be the one to cover its expenses.
According to him, he had not been asked any questions from any of the tenants, and even if the war had begun there had been no real changes in how the tenants viewed the shelter, because he had not discussed it with anyone.He also said that he would be able to have the air-raid shelter ready in forty-eight hours in accordance with the guidelines.

Local politician response, Gothenburg
A survey interview was sent out to see if local politicians' relationship to civilian shelters had changed because of the encounter between Russia and Ukraine.
The politician that was asked to participate is a current and active member of the local municipality and has access to most of the discussion that is currently occurring as well as takes part in votes on various resolutions.The politican would therefore be aware of the attitude regarding civilian shelters.According to the politician there is not really any differences between various parties, and both sides of the political aisle are somewhat indifferent when it comes to the civilian shelters in Gothenburg.It became abundantly clear that the local politician appeared to share a similar view to that of the tenants which took part in my paper from 2021 (cf.Andersson 2021).The politician in question seemingly held the knowledge that the shelters were mostly used for storage, and that they needed to be able to be emptied in a short span of time.Yet, there seemed to be no real change in attitude compared to 2021 and the individual who answered the question stated as much.
However, there was one area that was highlighted and that was the fact that there appears to be a proposed national survey that shall be occurring in the near future as stated by the politician Anders Moberg.Affecting the policies that are currently being discussed is that while conducting the interviews in 2022, Sweden was in the midst of an election year.It might be that most local politicians are more worried about the outcome of the election and are not really focused on the prospect of an armed war within the nation's borders.There is also the notion that the funds for 2023 had not yet been decided and that there might still be changes as to how much money will be directed towards airraid shelters.Yet, there was one response that appeared to take precedence and that was Swedish NATO membership, something which most politicians appeared to be in favour of.
Overall, the survey indicates that civilians' shelters are not at the forefront of concerns for the local politicians of Gothenburg.Instead, local concerns unrelated to air-raid shelters are a pressing matter.However, with that said, there seemed to be a support for Swedish membership in NATO.

Sweden's national response
Sweden's reaction to the war in Ukraine has taken several forms and not least with the application to join NATO.The support for Swedish membership has in some polls seen an increase, and for the first time it appears as if most Swedes want to join the defensive alliance (Aftonbladet).Sweden do not wish to depend on NATO alone and has turned its attention to also reinforce its own defences.This rearmament is not only taking the form of military equipment, but it also entails a stronger cyber defence against potential hackers (Government 1 2022).
However, as well as fortifying its own position by joining NATO and increasing its military spending, Sweden has made it abundantly clear that it stands with Ukraine and opposes the Russian invasion of the country.The Swedish government has since the start of the conflict been very vocal about its opposition to what is currently occurring in eastern Europe, and it has not stopped at mere words, but Sweden has also provided financial, military, and medical aid.Sweden has joined many other nations in sanctioning Russia to try and force them to depart their current conquest (Government 2 2022).
It is clear that the Swedish government's reaction to the war in Ukraine has been to stand up against Russia, to support Kiev's continued independence from Moscow, and to strengthen its own capabilities in the case of an armed conflict with a foreign power.This reaction to the war has forever changed Sweden's foreign policy, and even if to a certain agree Sweden's neutrality ended in 1995 when it joined the European Union, Swedish NATO membership will be the final nail in the coffin for Sweden's time as a non-aligned nation.
There are some indications to what will be done in regard to the number of shelters which are currently existing in Sweden, and according to survey conducted within the boundaries of this paper there is a planned investigation on the state of these.However, there is still a lack of air-raid shelters in Sweden.As of the time of writing, there is still a lack of some 3 million shelters (Krisinformation 2 2022).

Discussion of the various encounters
One may have thought that the war in Ukraine might have increased the awareness of the various shelters and that it could have caused some sort of additional preparation from all levels of Swedish society.Yet, on the micro civilian level, both the tenants and the landlord have kept a somewhat indifferent relationship to the shelter, and there has been no real change compared to 2021.There have been some minor reflections on it because of the conflict.The interviewed tenants currently living there thought about the shelter and its presence, but life has continued as normal.There was never a massive outcry to ensure that the nation was prepared for war, and the former Cold War shelters were not brought into the limelight.Yet, this lack of a reaction from current tenants can probably relate back to the fact that the war does not appear to spread and that it still seems to be contained to Eastern Europe.This indifference could be linked to Sweden's history of being at peace and the neutrality that has been kept for such a long time.Even if a new war in Europe takes place, it is simply not going to take place in Sweden.Thus, it does not seem like a new Third Space has been created on a minor scale due to the encounter between Russia and Ukraine, and that there has been no real reaction between the Swedish civilians at Halvtumsgatan 3 and their shelters.However, the view of former tenants that lived at the apartment complex during the height of the Cold War provide the perspective that there is a correlation between the two conflicts.The fact that the former tenants immediately thought of the Cold War highlights that there exists a link to the past and that civilians are aware of their historical memory.
The interview with the local politician also revealed a similar feeling as that of the civilians.
There were talks of a potential investigation of the reliability of the current shelters.Yet, these policies are coming from a national level and not a local/regional one.This somewhat lack of a response was also a bit of a surprise, since as with the overall view on the conflict and their connection with Sweden's readiness a more reasonable reaction might have been more drastic policy changes and check-ups.This somewhat lacklustre reaction could possibly be a testimony to the preparedness that Sweden had during the Cold War.It is possible that there exists a belief that the air-shelters put in place during the Cold War will withstand a potential conflict, and thus there is no need for local politicians to discuss such matters.It should also be stated that civilian shelters are just a small part of the overall local readiness for war.As the interviewed politician also mentioned, the lack of discourse might be because the budget simply does not allow it, and that come 2023 there might be a change in the local relationship to the civilian shelters.It could also be that the local politicians are waiting for the national government to take charge and push for policies regarding the shelters.
The largest and most varied reaction to the war in Ukraine can be seen when observing Sweden's national response.The Swedish government has taken several actions to show that they are standing with Ukraine, the West and opposing Russia.These actions have varied from sending arms, medical and financial aid (Government 1 2022), as well as taking part and sanctioning Russia (Government 2 2022).In regard to the shelters, there are some signs that the government will conduct a national survey into their availability.
Yet, it could be argued that the most intense reaction to the conflict and the real Third Space that has been created is Sweden's application to join NATO and the implications this decision carries.There is no denying that had it not been for Russia's invasion, a Swedish or Finnish NATO membership would have appeared quite unlikely and what we are experiencing right now is the direct result of the encounter between Russia and Ukraine.

Conclusion
After having conducted various interviews and examined the national response, the reaction to the war in Ukraine is somewhat mixed and that the response varies depending on what area of Sweden you are examining.The war in Ukraine has not necessarily altered the civilians at Halvtumsgatan 3 relationship to their air-raid shelter, and it has not exactly changed how their landlord viewed it either.The war has not caused any immediate reactions from the local municipality of Gothenburg, and the local politicians are not in the midst of discussing any changes as to how they approach civilian air-raid shelters.Therefore, it is possible to say that there are indications that no one truly believes that the war will come to Gothenburg, and that even if a war is happening in Europe, Swedes are still not feeling threatened enough to care about their shelters.However, even if the civilian and local reaction has been lacking, the overall national response to the war in Ukraine has been intense and Sweden has, through national policies, made their position obvious.
Simultaneously, by approaching the case study through the lens of a Third-Space Theory, it is possible to notice that on a micro (tenants, landlord) level there is no new Third Space created.This can be deduced because of the obvious lack of a reaction to the war in Ukraine and there is no tangible change in how the tenants or landlord view the shelter.Instead, there is a large indifference towards the conflict and much of life continue as normal.The study makes the argument that this lack of a reaction might be the result of Sweden's historical neutrality and the wholehearted belief that the war will not reach its borders.Thus, the only Third Space created is done on a macro level (Politician, National).Sweden's changing national relationship to Russia and the application to join NATO are clear signs of a new Third Space created in the wake of the war in Ukraine.The Third Space in this instance is the Swedish national and politician's response to the conflict and the application to join NATO and breaking with 200-year-old tradition of neutrality.The Encounter between Ukraine and Russia was the necessary catalysator to create this new relationship and a new geopolitical Third Space.The preparations from the Cold War are still there, and they are ready to react should they be called upon.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. Sign leading to the shelter -by author.

Figure 3 .
Figure 3. Map over the entire shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 -by author.

Figure 4 .
Figure 4.The company that constructed the shelter door 1962 Hellbergs Industrier AB -by author.

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Corridor leading into the shelter 1 -by author.