Power division in the sacred world: the Cults of Neak Ta and Arak of the ethnic Khmer in Southeastern region, Vietnam

ABSTRACT Neak Ta and Arak are two indigenous beliefs which have existed together in traditional Khmer spirituality. This article presents the results of fieldwork in Lộc Khánh commune, Lộc Ninh district, Bình Phước province (about 200 km. north of Hồ Chí Minh City) where Khmer people have continuously maintained their traditional social structure including their strong local beliefs in spiritual power. Using qualitative research methods in combination with document analysis, the article shows that Neak Ta is representative of male power that is confirmed by the power and position of the elder council of the village, while Arak is representative of the female power that is displayed only through a woman appointed by the village clan that controls Arak from a theoretical power clan in the village. As result, it is analysed and examined the link of the theocratic power of Neak Ta and Arak through the rituals and the spirit mediumship in Lộc Khánh commune all which is a positive consequence of gender power balance between patriarchy and matriarchy.


Introduction
Neak Ta , also known as Louk Ta, is a deity reigning over the environment and natural resources such as the soil, rivers, woods, mountains, hills, farms, ports, houses, termite mounds, and large old trees (Mus [1933(Mus [ ] 1975, 376;, 376;Phan 2021, 41).However, this god's most significant religious role, which is most pertinent to Khmer people's agricultural existence, is that Neak Ta is considered the god of the earth as well as the tutelary deity (Đào 2011;Kleger 2004;Lê 1969;Mai 2016).This role is comparable to the Vietnamese people's belief in a tutelary god of a village (Lê 1969;Trần and Đặng 2012).Their belief in Neak Ta derives from the villagers' adoration of nature as well as their efforts to understand strange natural events that the Khmer find incomprehensible.Today, the evidence of Neak Ta's nature worship can be seen in beliefs often associated with species of large trees found across the Khmer living spaces such as the 'trôm' trees (Sterculia foetida/ , daeum samrong), bodhi trees (Ficus religiosa/ , daeum bot), and tamarind trees (tamarind trees/ , daeum ompil) (Guillou 2012;Paul 2006;Phan 2021;Work 2019).Neak Ta shrines are often built by villagers under the canopies of such big ancient trees (Phan 2021, 41).Although originating from nature worship, Neak Ta gradually evolved into a more general form of worship, even worshiping the ancestors who are believed by the local Khmer to have founded the village (Sprenger 2017a(Sprenger , 2017b;;Work 2019).Neak Ta and Arak always co-exist and share spiritual authority in protecting the villagers and ensuring their well-being.Arak originated from the traditional ancestral beliefs that ascribe shamanistic powers to one specific clan (Lê 1969; C. L. Nguyễn 2014; X. N. Nguyễn 1979;Sau 2012;Trần and Đặng 2012.In Khmer social structure, a Khmer village (srok/ in Khmer language) or a larger region also has a clan to worship Arak who is believed to both protect and punish the villagers.Since Arak exists only in the psychic world and is invisible, the villagers interact with Arak through a yearly ceremony involving a spirit medium.Sometimes this Arak ceremony is a part of the Neak Ta ritual ceremony, as we see in the case of Lộc Khánh commune.In this ceremony, a female spirit medium called Rup Arak is appointed by the Arak-worshiping clan.She practices the Arak ritual through a series of dance gestures, after which she demonstrates her spiritual power by sharing her predictions and by healing the villagers.However, the Khmer in Lộc Khánh believe in two kinds of Arak, one who is an ancestor spirit who is believed to live in their house (or with their family), and the other as spirits originated from human beings or beasts and hiding in forests who protects nature and punishes those who wantonly exploit the forest resources.These Arak beliefs show that the spirituality of the local Khmer people of Lộc Khánh is closely linked to and impacted by the ecological environment.
The underlying goals of this research are to make clear the function of Neak Ta and Arak in Lộc Khánh commune, and to understand how the elder council of the village negotiates with Rup Arak (the Arak spirit medium) to maintain and protect these local beliefs and their rituals; how the triad relationship among Rup Arak, elder council of the village and Khmer Buddhist monks is as well as what strategies the Rup Arak have conducted to present her theocratic power in the local Khmer society.

Methodology
To undertake this research, I conducted 10 days of fieldwork in Lộc Khánh commune, Lộc Ninh district, Bình Phước province, from 18 April to 28 April 2020 during the time local Khmer people organised their yearly Neak Ta ceremony.Applying an anthropological approach to the Khmer in Lộc Khánh commune, I conducted field work combined with research activities of field notes, observation and participation of local ceremonies, indepth interviews with villagers, communal leaders who are responsible for the elder council of villagers, and women who are Arak spirit mediums (Rup Arak), and oral interviews with descendants of spirit mediums who had passed away.This entire research was carried out in five hamlets in Lộc Khánh commune including Sóc Lớn, Sóc Nhỏ, Bà Ven, Chà Đôn and Cần Lê.As a result, I can tentatively offer some general observations about the relationship between local geography and environment with the spiritual beliefs of the ethnic Khmer in Lộc Khánh commune.This research into Neak Ta and Arak beliefs also helps to clarify the less visible aspects of sensitivities between the ethnic Khmer and other groups.The local Khmer have learned how to apply these intersecting beliefs and customs as a means of spiritual self-defence to protect what belongs to them.
There is differentiation between the Khmer people in the Mekong Delta (in southwest Vietnam) and the Khmer people who live in the mountainous and forested areas in Tây Ninh, Bình Phước, and Đồng Nai provinces (an area called Đông Nam Bộ, or the southeast Vietnam) (see Figure 1).Most of the Khmer people in this area are concentrated in Lộc Ninh, a district that suffered terribly during the Vietnam War (1954War ( -1975)).There is no record of when the Khmer first appeared in Lộc Ninh district; however, Phum Thom (which means 'big village' in Khmer) is credited as being the first residence of the Khmer in Lộc Khánh commune, Lộc Ninh district, Bình Phước province (see Figure 2).According to statistics in 2019, the entire Lộc Khánh commune has about 9,000 Khmer people, most of them living in Sóc Lớn hamlet, with smaller population clusters scattered in Chà Đôn, Bà Ven, Sóc Nhỏ and Cần Lê hamlets.The village of Phum Thom was the first to be organised by the colonial French administrators to bring together these previously forestdwelling groups of Khmer in Lộc Ninh district (General Statistics Office 2020).According to Lâm B, a 75-year-old village elder in Chà Đôn hamlet whom I interviewed in 2020, the Khmer people in 1915 were scattered throughout the forests in Lộc Khánh commune. 2 In 1925, the local French colonial government forced them to establish a village, moving them into a fixed area today called Phum Thom.Lâm B explained that a reputable village elder was nominated by the community to represent Phum Thum.He was appointed by French colonial administrators as the communal leader with the title Cai Tong (Cai Tổng) to take charge of Phum Thom and several surrounding villages where other Khmer groups also had begun to settle with ethnic Stiêng.After 1925, French administrators required Khmer people to declare their full names when they registered for the census.At that time, the Khmer people traditionally only used one name and had no surname.French leaders and Vietnamese mandarins, noticing that these Khmer had customarily been living in close contact with the forest, asked them to take the surname Lâm (it means 'forest' in Vietnamese), so this became a common surname for the whole community.This explains why most of the Khmer in Lộc Ninh have the surname Lâm.

The sacred world of Neak Ta and Arak
According to my research in Lộc Ninh district, Neak Ta and Arak are two types of local beliefs that existed together and brought different spiritual functions to the Khmer's social life.Neak Ta is a very important village god of the Khmer people, with the same supernatural authority as the earth god (Guillou 2012;Kleger 2004;Mu and Wikstrom 2012;Paul 2006;Work 2019).In the area of Lộc Khánh, the Khmer believe that Neak Ta shrines, which have a long history, have been seen in the original sites for more than six decades, when the eldest villagers were still in their teens (see Figures 3 and 4).In Lộc Khánh commune, Khmer people do not worship Neak Ta by collecting stones as is done by the Khmer in the Mekong Delta (Phan 2021, 42;Work 2019, 5).Instead, the Khmer in Lộc Khánh erect in each shrine two statues of Neak Ta representing a divine husband and wife couple who govern over a village or hamlet (see Figures 5 and 6).Lộc Khánh commune has five such hamlets, each with a shrine dedicated to Neak Ta.In total, there are five Neak Ta couples who have protected the lives of Khmer people in these five hamlets mentioned above (Sóc Lớn, Sóc Nhỏ, Bà Ven, Chà Đôn and Cần Lê).The Neak Ta shrines in Lộc Khánh were built far away from residential areas.The sites of the shrines do not conform to any particular rules but are mainly based on the local topography and natural features, such as on high mounds, at the fork of crossroads, near a stream or lake, facing vast fields or in densely wooded areas.In order to determine the borders that divide the territory of each Neak Ta, the Khmer often use the local streams as markers to divide the local landscape on the left and the right, or to the east, west, south, or north.The Khmer's depiction of the Neak Ta husband and wife couple in Lộc Khánh commune all have similar shapes, but they are shown with different specific features.For example, the wife often has a plumper body than her husband.The Neak Ta couples are shown in a cross-legged seated position, with both hands resting on their thighs or hips symbolising the strength of the body.Their faces are raised up with a fierce expression, mouth wide open, and the eyes menacingly protruding to frighten off evil (see Figures 7 and 8).coincide, in order to allow the Khmer people in the commune to either attend all the ceremonies or attend at least one Neak Ta worshiping ceremony if they are too busy.
The compulsory offerings during each of these ceremonies include boiled chicken or pig's head, bunches of bananas, cakes, fruits, and wine (see Figures 9 and 10).The celebrants in five Neak Ta shrines in Lộc Khánh  commune are the seniors in the village or certain members appointed by the council of village elders to make the necessary sacrifices, with the rest of the village elders in charge of organising the ceremony.The village elder who presides over the ceremony in Bà Ven hamlet will dress up as Neak Ta, wearing a sarong, a white shirt with a traditional Khmer bandana on his head.The celebrants who are responsible for the ceremony in the other Neak Ta shrines even chew betel nuts to exhibit their behaviour and  appearance as if the Neak Ta spirits are really inhabiting their body.When worshiping, the celebrant in Bà Ven shrine holds a sword, but there are also others who hold a walking cane symbolising the wisdom of the elders in the theocracy of Neak Ta.When Neak Ta spirit enters the celebrant, he blesses the villagers, and then dances in order to excite the worshipers to follow him.In Lộc Khánh, Khmer people believe that Neak Ta's nature in each shrine is different.There is Neak Ta who is friendly with children, but there is also Neak Ta who hates children, such as Neak Ta in Sóc Lớn hamlet who shows anger and animosity towards children.Therefore, when making sacrifices at the shrine, the villagers encourage the children to make Neak Ta angry so that he will more obviously show his presence.For this reason, the children climb the trees surrounding the shrine or take a seat inside the shrine.After the blessing ceremony is over, the celebrant who plays Neak Ta expresses his anger as he takes his cane and starts chasing the children out of the shrine.This feature is a part of the ritual activities that are preserved in Sóc Lớn hamlet, Lộc Khánh commune.According to the Neak Ta worshiping traditions, every year brings this behaviour of Neak Ta pursuing children with a cane in his angry hand.This belief also affects the perception of the villagers, even after the ceremony is over, and the villagers tend not to let children go near the Neak Ta shrine for the rest of the year.If the villagers want to make sacrifices at the shrine for their own personal matters, they must first report to the village elders who accompany them and oversee their sacrifice, lest they anger Neak Ta. 3 In fact, my research shows that a hierarchy has been very clearly established in the Neak Ta belief in Lộc Khánh, with Neak Ta in Sớc Lớn hamlet being considered the most powerful in the entire region.Therefore, the village elder in charge of the ritual there also holds a corresponding theocratic role.Every year, when hosting other community festivals or conducting other life cycle rituals, Khmer people in Sóc Lớn hamlet must stop at the shrine to ask for permission from Neak Ta which means they are obligated to consult the village elder council.In other words, all religious and spiritual activities performed by the Khmer in the area are linked to the ritual of Neak Ta and must be presented to those elders in charge before their rituals can commence (see Figure 11).
During the Neak Ta ceremonial season each year, the form of communication with spirits known as Arak also spreads with unprecedented rapidity within the Khmer community in Lộc Khánh commune.A woman who performs this ritual is called Rup Arak, and she is said to have the ability to invite spirits into her body (see Figure 12).Only very few women participate in matters of ritual in this role as Rup Arak in the Khmer communities in Lộc Ninh district.During Neak Ta ceremonies, a Rup Arak always appears as the main figure who will burn incense and chant spells to invite spirits into her body.The villagers will be overjoyed if she dances, a sure sign that the spirit is satisfied with the villagers' offerings, and the spirits will surely protect the people.While Rup Arak dances, a Khmer orchestra plays Khmer pentatonic music in harmony with her movements, and a local singer then raises her voice to praise the merits of that ancestor spirits or natural spirits. 4However, if Rup Arak displays violent actions, this means that the spirit has gotten angry  about certain behaviours of the villagers, and the elderly women sitting around the ceremony will try to comfort Rup Arak and ask the reason her anger while caressing the spirit.In this case, the villagers then renew the ritual and ask for forgiveness from the spirit.Arak's sorcery ceremonies take place day and night, in some cases with an elder woman (Rup Arak) occasionally dancing continuously for 24 hours.
In my interviews, all the village elders confirmed that they truly believe the spirit enters the Rup Arak's body and that her behaviour cannot be faked.Educated young Khmers also believe that Arak exists and that the ritual aims at inviting the spirit into Rup Arak's body.The traditional Arak ceremony that is a custom of the Khmer people in Lộc Khánh confirms this belief that it is not a form of superstition, as is argued by local Buddhist monks.These young people feel with pride that it is important to preserve this ritual and real Arak belief in the Khmer community in Lộc Ninh, and to maintain relations with the metaphysical world; they even know how to distinguish the presence of good or bad spirits-and even the soul of a monk or their ancestors-based on Rup Arak's varied movements.

The division of power between the council of village elders and Rup Arak
In the local administration in Lộc Khánh commune, Lộc Ninh district, Khmer people are considered an ethnic minority.The term 'Khmer' in southern Vietnam is, therefore, commonly used in all the local administrative documents.The local Lộc Khánh management structure for these Khmer people is similar to the model applied to the organisation of minority communities in the Central Highland (Tây Nguyên).In this model, each hamlet has a council of village elders which plays a role in the administration of the local community and its religious ceremonies.One important difference, however, is that in the Khmer community living in the Mekong Delta, it is the monks and intellectuals who will lead the community instead of a council of village elders.
A council of village elders is still needed in Lộc Khánh, however, because of the lack of an intellectual elite to assume the role of community leaders and meet the social needs of the local community.The reason for the lack of these intellectual elite is that past generations of the local Khmer community, especially during and after the Vietnam War, have suffered from both historical change and economic problems in Lộc Ninh district.The council of village leaders consists of prestigious elders who are both very knowledgeable in local customs and traditions, and have been recognised by the national government for their military and other contributions during the Vietnam War .This leadership position can thus be seen as a form of reward for national service, showing that the state trusts those in the Khmer community who have contributed towards the national liberation on the larger national level (Hocart 1953, 5;Phan 2021, 43;Work 2019, 6).
The council of village elders plays major role in the local Khmer community, so the local authorities normally must discuss with the council changes and details in state policies before these are widely disseminated in the public.The council of village elders also takes on important roles in the ceremonial world of the local Khmer residents, especially during the period when Khmer Theravada Buddhism was interrupted in Lộc Khánh commune from 1972 to 1980.They are in charge of performing rituals such as weddings, funerals, and a sequence or rituals surrounding the building of houses, for individuals and for the local Khmer community as a whole.This is because the local Khmer residents fear the power of supernatural forces and no one dares to make the necessary ritual dedications by themselves; moreover, they do not know how to properly organise the necessary rituals, vows and offerings in order to satisfy the spirits.
This relationship with the council of elders is closely linked, therefore, to the religious needs of the Khmer community.The words from the council of village elders are considered by the local villagers as commands from the gods, so Khmer villagers always follow without criticism the instructions from the council.This relationship may have taken the Khmer community back to a time before Theravada Buddhism dominated, a time when the local elders wielded a more powerful direct role in the village's relationship with nature.The world of metaphysical cosmology therefore reaches the local community without objection through the members of the council of village elders.This spiritual role of the village elders and their ability and necessity in performing rituals gradually became widely accepted in the community, a community with a generally low educational level and holding widespread beliefs in the harshness of nature and a range of frightening natural phenomena.These challenging phenomena include deadly lightning strikes in the rainy season, lightning in the air, deadly venomous snakebites, man-eating predators, illness caused by seasonal changes in climate, and malaria outbreaks during the rainy season.
Khmer people have strong spiritual beliefs, and they imagine a metaphysical world in which all forms of evil surround their lives, requiring the frequent performance of rituals through which to seek a peaceful life.The council of village elders thus has a key theocratic role in the local community.Although Neak Ta is considered to be the only god who can protect the people and cure diseases in the village, the Khmer residents still worry that Neak Ta is not powerful enough to fight these evils.The villagers have therefore crafted various models and symbols of weapons to be placed inside the Neak Ta shrines in order to help Neak Ta to repel the evil attacks in accordance with local residents' beliefs.
Rup Arak and the council of village elders have a very clear division of responsibilities the Neak Ta ceremony with absolutely no theocratic conflict between them.Members of the council of village elders still play an important role when Rup Arak conducts the worshiping ceremony at the Neak Ta shrine (see Figures 13 and 14).Rup Arak often  speaks glossolalia utterances a 'secret language' of communication with spirits, a conversation that will be translated for the villagers by an elderly woman who has the power to understand the 'mystical' language. 5Whenever Rup-Arak takes a rest during the worshiping ceremony, local residents come to ask for healing and fortune telling about the past or future.Rup Arak is believed to have healing powers thanks to the spirits, and villagers even stop by Rup Arak's house to ask for an 'amulet' before going to the doctor for treatment (McCausland 2004;Paul 2006).

The Neak Ta -Arak worshiping cult reflects vestiges of matriarchy in Khmer patriarchal society
My research shows that although Neak Ta and Arak are spirits separated into two different genders, there is no phenomenon that combines Neak Ta and Arak as a married couple as a village god in the Khmer belief system in Lộc Khánh commune.Although Neak Ta is always represented with his wife in statuary in the shrine, his wife is believed to fulfil his sacredness and help him generate his energy.Arak, on the other hand, is not thought of as a spirit who has a spouse, but rather everything focuses only on her female gender.She is believed to be the matriarchal ancestor of a clan but the villagers never think about her husband.This suggests that vestiges of the role of female social power in ancient Khmer society survive today among the Khmer of Lộc Khánh.While the role of patriarchy now runs the village and controls the local Khmer community, vestiges of matriarchy also exist as represented by the continuing power of Rup Arak in local rituals.
The patriarchal power of Neak Ta as the village god in Khmer indigenous beliefs is shown in several ways.In addition to being depicted with his wife as a couple, Neak Ta's patriarchal powers are also enhanced by the addition of weapons.In Neak Ta's shrines, one immediately takes note of a variety of replica weapons that are believed to help provide even stronger powers to drive away evil.During the Vietnam War (1954War ( -1975)), the lives of the local Khmer were directly impacted by combat and the strength of weapons.The wooden carved weapons copied American and former Soviet Union models widely supplied to soldiers of the South and the North Vietnam militaries, respectively.It could be said that this consequence of war has affected the Khmer's thinking that Neak Ta can triumph only when he is provided with strong weapons.It represents the idea of conquest and control by male authority, of which Neak Ta is a reliable agent in the village.As a result, I would argue that Neak Ta's symbolic patriarchal power comes from the fact that he is always depicted with his spouse and provided with powerful weapons-these are the indispensable strengths of the Neak Ta worshiped among the local Khmer in Lộc Khánh commune.
Arak's power, on the other hand, is recognised as being dependent upon ritual and the strength of the villagers' beliefs.Arak doesn't have any communal shrines such as those provided for Neak Ta.Instead, Arak is worshiped by the Rup Arak (Arak spirit medium) in her family house simply by using a shelf hanging on her wall.However, the worshipers of Arak perform rituals practiced in both the village elder's house and in a separate Neak Ta shrine (see Figures 15 and 16).Rup Arak always notifies the villagers about sacred  regulations surrounding the rituals over which she presides, requiring, for example, that the participants in the rituals should be Khmer.In some cases, when non-Khmer people join the ritual, they should remain quiet when Rup Arak is communicating with the spirits.When non-Khmer participants claim to be Khmer, they are participating in the Arak rituals, Rup Arak encourages them to attempt to speak in Khmer while in her sacred space.This is how Rup Arak believes that the participants can show their respect to her ancestry, and the villagers believe that Arak will also give good fortune to the non-Khmers if their linguistic behaviour is acceptable.If non-Khmer participants speak their mother tongue, although Arak only hears their sounds from a distance, she will show her anger by shouting and stopping the ritual at once.She explains to the villagers that the reason she has stopped her ritual is that there are 'foreigners' who have blended into her sacred space, and this is unacceptable.To protect the sacred space in these instances, the villagers will identify the non-Khmers as 'foreigners' in the crowd and violently drive them away. 6

Negotiations between the council of village elders and Rup Arak for enhancing power for dissolve social conflicts
The Khmer people have been practicing Theravada Buddhism as their dominant religion for centuries (T. S. H. Nguyễn and Phan 2019, 53;Phan 2021: 42).It has coexisted with indigenous beliefs and Buddhism not only accepts Neak Ta as a guardian god but also provides the god with a prominent position in the local Buddhist monasteries that are called Neak Ta Wat (Buddhist temple Neak Ta) (Forest 1991;Hayashi 2003;Phan 2021).These Neak Ta shrines are erected in the northeast part of these Buddhist monasteries and senior monks sometimes run the relevant rituals.Therefore, Khmer monks who are responsible for Theravada Buddhism and the council of village elders who believe in the power of Neak Ta have established a good relationship with one another.Within all of the religious concepts in Khmer thinking, there have been no seriously opposing views between Buddha and Neak Ta nor between monks and the council of village elders.It seems that Buddhism considers Neak Ta to be a guardian of the Buddhist monastery and the council of village elders are people who are highly respected by the local community and who help the monks to run broad aspects of Khmer society and to preserve local customs.It can be seen as a smooth relationship between Theravada Buddhism and Neak Ta (Forest 1991, 198;Phan 2021, 42).My observation in Lộc Khánh commune shows that Buddhism and Arak, however, do not share this same kind of harmonious relationship, and conflicts have persisted that have not yet been solved up to now.
The reasons behind these conflicts come from fundamental differences in the religious beliefs of Buddhism and Arak.One of the good forms of Arak spirits is believed to have originated from the matriarchal ancestor spirit that represents the soul of a deceased woman in ancient times but her spirit is still present in our world and protects her descendants (that is, the local villagers) from harm.Buddhist concepts are completely different.Because of the Buddhist beliefs in Karma (the force produced by a person's actions in one life that influences what happens to them in future lives) and Samsara (reincarnation), the Khmer believe that the spirit of a deceased person will be reincarnated within 49 days, so the Buddhist ritual of monks chanting sacred texts should be conducted immediately after a person passes away.Khmer Buddhist monks believe that performing the proper rituals at the right time will help the spirit to be reborn in the purified world, and that the spirit no longer exists after 49 days.Moreover, they cannot accept the belief that it is suggested by Rup Arak that the spirit can possibly interfere in all aspects of the living people since the monks confirm their beliefs during their Dharma presentations that whether lucky or unlucky things come to a person depends completely on their Karma, in spite of any help or punishment from the spirits that they think might come.Arak always presents concepts of spirits that are not similar to Buddhist beliefs.The idea that a spirit initiated from an ancient matriarchal ancestor means that the soul of an ancient person is still present in our world and able to interfere with the villagers' lives.In response to this, the villagers need to worship and participate in the ritual of spirit mediumship as practiced by Rup Arak.The villagers have to negotiate with Arak through Rup Arak as the spirit medium to avoid harm and sickness caused by the anger of evil spirits.During my field research, I was indirectly informed by local monks about an earlier plan by Khmer Theravada Buddhists to only appoint Khmer monks to lead Buddhist monasteries who sought to eradicate Arak beliefs and remove them from Khmer life.This plan was taking shape in an area where Arak beliefs were strong and many Rup Araks lived and organised their mediumship rituals.
I have tried in this article to make clear the information provided by depthinterviews with some venerable monks who politely refused from beginning to end to talk about sensitive matters.The reason for this, I believe, is that they would like to demonstrate that Buddhism is a harmonious religion which does not seek to get rid of any indigenous beliefs.Actually, some monks subtly referred to events that took place after 1975 when Khmer Theravada Buddhism was pressured by the state to eliminate superstitious beliefs. 7The reason behind these efforts was that Khmer Buddhism classified Arak as a sort of superstition.This was not, of course, an accidental choice by the Khmer Buddhists.
My research in Lộc Khánh has led me to believe that Arak is not only opposed by local non-Khmer 'foreigners', but also comes from hidden conflicts with Theravada Buddhism itself.It could be stated that in Arak beliefs, Rup Arak -the spirit mediums of Arak-have faced conflicts that have initiated from external and internal inconsistencies in Khmer society that exist as a heritage of the past or have taken shape in modern times.
Based on my cultural and social discourse with the Khmer, I have sought to analyse the issue and express my arguments about what is happening to Arak beliefs and how this has impacted other diverse aspects of society.It can be seen that the external inconsistencies imply ethnic conflict concerning only the local Khmer and the Việt, since the Stiêng, an ethnic group living in close proximity with the Khmer, are recognised by the Khmer as their 'brotherhood' and are always welcomed to take part in the spirit medium rituals as honour guests.While likely widespread, this conflict certainly can be demonstrated in Lộc Khánh commune.Here, Rup Arak is able to show her matriarchal powers to gather the strength of the community by reminding the villagers about her contemporary ancestors and about their own cultural identity and land sovereignty.She uses this opportunity to display her spiritual lead role by attracting and encouraging the local Khmer to attend her rituals, reminding the villagers that their attendance will prove they are real Khmers.In addition, Rup Arak puts limits on defining how broadly to allow involvement by different ethnic groups, the territory covered, and by 'brotherly' groups who share a good relationship with the local Khmer.The villagers are led to believe in their ethnic origins and that only true Khmer can enjoy the real miracles that Arak will bring to them such as well-being, protection from bad omens, the prediction of the future, and healing by magic.Clearly, Rup Arak knows how to exploit her strengths by reconstructing the mental values of ancient society, reminding the Khmer of how matriarchal power strengthens the Khmer's link to the past with the glories they could have, a peaceful and happy land first achieved by Arak, a matriarchal ancestor, where the Khmer and the other groups called brothers can share the same resource.The spirit medium ritual is a sacred power that the Khmer think only they can harvest.This is one way that Rup Arak enhances the cultural values and the ethnic origins for the Khmer, presenting them as superior people living in a sacred world.By professing to be the Khmer matriarchal ancestor, Arak always shows that she was a generous mother of the entire community who is currently the spirit who overcomes closed-minded prejudices as she extends her blessings to the brotherly groups, even to the Viet who are able to speak the Khmer language.Therefore, this behaviour exalts the status of the Khmer in the multi-group society and inspires pride for the villagers who were born as Khmer.
Ethnic conflict is an issue that Arak herself wields as a strong tool in the shaping of the villagers' thinking, and she has built a smart strategy for linking the villagers from the historical past to the challenges of contemporary society.This is how she uses her matriarchal power to enhance Khmer cultural identity and ethnic position.Supported by the elder council and respected by all of the villagers, Rup Arak actively solves these matters.In contrast to the ethnic conflict, the contradiction between Arak and Theravada Buddhism is an internal conflict that is hard for Rup Arak to overcome.Because this is a weak point for Rup Arak, she must deal with Buddhism and with the monks as flexibly as possible.Actually, Rup Arak's success is shown through her continued nurturing of the villagers even in the face of Buddhist pressure that has long established control over the Khmer society.
In fact, Rup Arak has conquered the hearts of the council of village elders through her indispensable role for the sustenance of Khmer spirituality, and her power is dependent upon their support and protection.However, Rup Arak takes care not to express her negative attitudes towards Buddhism.In Lộc Khánh commune, Rup Arak always finds a positive solution to coexist with Buddhism and she limits her power in ritual activities of importance to Buddhism.Moreover, she knows how to take her matriarchal power to show that she is unable to harm Buddhism.Accepting the hierarchical classification found in the Khmer social structure, Rup Arak expresses her respect for the monks and always recognises Buddhism as higher than her belief.To avoid potential conflict with Buddhism, the Rup Arak always maintains separate quarters for her space and self-imposes obligatory rules that require any spirit mediums (that is, Rup Arak) to obey, a most sacred line transmitted from the previous generations to the next.It is required that Rup Arak neither comes into the main hall of a Buddhist monastery where the Buddha Sakyamuni is worshiped nor has contact with the monks in any way.She is ready to enter into the mediumship only when the villagers have cleared away from the site all vestiges and sacred materials of Buddhist rituals.If a monk appears in her site or even in close proximity to the ritual space, Arak will immediately lose consciousness and the ritual is over.These rules are widely announced to the council of village elders and to the entire village to inform them of Arak's will.We cannot explain the reasons why Rup Arak is required to obey her ancestor's rules.Based on these rules, the local Khmer themselves exert the medium ritual as a good way for them to reap the miracles from their matriarchal ancestors.
In my field research in Lộc Khánh commune, I noted stories of conflict between Rup Arak and a monk.The villagers organised a prayer ceremony for village safety, and as usual, an old woman who was a Rup Arak was invited to contact the matriarchal ancestor and have her descend to the world by the medium.The ceremony went smoothly, but suddenly a monk appeared near the site and Rup Arak at once became unconscious.The villagers attempted to rescue her by summoning medical help.Lâm B, the village elder, stated that when Rup Arak fainted her body was too heavy to move out.He had to ask five young men to try to take her away.The ritual was paused until Rup Arak could recover her energy. 8After that, the villagers, unsatisfied with the monk, carefully protected their annual rituals by always keeping the monks out.

Conclusion
Organising the yearly ritual is the responsibility of the council of village elders since Neak Ta is a popular belief associated with the existence of the Khmer villagers in Lộc Khánh commune.Through the ritual activities, the council of village elders seeks to sustain the customs, social order, and the traditional values honoured by the Khmer community.Since then, a theocratic system has been regularly created to balance the power between the council of village elders and Rup Arak through a general ceremony that combines both Neak Ta and Arak.Positively supported by the council of village elders, Rup Arak has performed the magical forms in the Neak Ta ceremony which enhances a belief in the sacred world for the villagers as well as provides a way to link people with the metaphysical world.Through this cooperation of power and ceremony, it can be seen that Rup Arak holds a theocratic role representing both divine power and matriarchal power, while the council of village elders represents the theocracy of patriarchy.The functions and theocracy are clearly regulated between them through each step of the ritual process.The preservation of Khmer traditions can be traced back to the existence of two types of theocracy (the council of village elders and Rup Arak) that are associated with two types of beliefs (Neak Ta and Arak), as an approach to the modern culture of Khmer people in Lộc Khánh commune.
From the practical matters concerning the social background and ethnic relations in Lộc Khánh commune, I would argue that Arak possibly holds her power through the conflicts of ethnic groups and confrontations between religious beliefs.The ethnic conflict is created in the name of Arak, the matriarchal ancestor spirit that effectively links the local Khmer with their tradition and history that holds that they were born as a superior people living in a prosperous land.Currently, the respected ancestors through Arak still keep providing visible effects in the sacred world of the village.Those who continue to believe in Arak honour her by the ritual.In return, they will enjoy the protection and good fortune given by Arak.In this way, Rup Arak has gathered the villagers' support and impacts their customs to the point that a belief in Arak is indispensable to the spiritual balance of the traditional and modern values in Khmer society.As a result, the open ethnic conflict and the hidden contradictions with Theravada Buddhism also have a close relationship to the Arak's power since the Arak knows how to use her sacred role to consolidate strength from villagers inspired by their sense of ethnicity to survive in the face of Buddhist pressure.Arak has not directly confronted Buddhism but she has applied a flexible strategy in encouraging her supporting forces, the council of village elders and the villagers themselves to balance the monks' power in Khmer society.Finally, it can be seen that if the weapons and equipment displayed in the shrines are Neak Ta's symbols representing the social power held by the elder council, the spiritual power is shown by the strength that Arak gives to the local Khmer.As a result, a triad relationship has formed in the local Khmer society incorporating Neak Ta, Arak and Theravada Buddhism, among which the council of village elders serves as an intermediary to balance the power of both sides.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. Map of Lộc Ninh district, Bình Phước province where most of the Khmer concentrated in.The Lộc Khánh commune (in yellow in the map) is the research point for this paper.Source: http://locninh.binhphuoc.gov.vn/.

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Inside Neak Ta shrine in the southwest of Vietnam, Khmer people worship Neak Ta by stone collecting from the paddy rice fields (ward 9, Trà Vinh city).Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 7 .
Figure 7. Wooden carved weapons copied American and former Soviet Union models, M16 and AK-47 rifles inside Neak Ta shrine in Sóc Lớn hamlet.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 8 .
Figure 8. Neak Ta in Sóc Lớn hamlet with "provided weapons' on the right side of his spouse.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 9 .
Figure 9. Offerings are brought to the communal hall for the Neak Ta ceremony.Banana and betel leaves cover the offering as a sign of sacrifice identified by the local Khmer.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 10 .
Figure 10.Each Khmer household prepares at least one tray of offerings.All of them gather at the communal hall before bringing to Neak Ta shrine on the processions.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 11 .
Figure 11.Before organizing the Neak Ta ceremony, monks from the village monastery are invited to chant Buddhist sacred texts for the villagers (Neak Ta ceremony in Chà Đôn hamlet in 2020).Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 12 .
Figure 12.After the Khmer monks returned to the village monastery, Rup Arak appeared and participated in the ceremony with villagers in the communal hall.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 14 .
Figure 14.Three Khmer women who are Rup Arak's assistants are accompanied by the village elder to bring offerings for the medium ritual in Neak Ta shrine.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 13 .
Figure 13.Adults and children on processions from communal house to Neak Ta shrine.The person holding a decorated bamboo tree symbolizing the ceremony (cây Nêu in Vietnamese) and heading the group is a village elder.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 16 .
Figure 16.A village elder prepares the offerings for Rup Arak to conduct her medium ritual in Neak Ta ceremony in Chà Đôn hamlet.Source: Tu Anh Phan.

Figure 15 .
Figure 15.A village elder offers wine for Neak Ta and his spouse before the Rup Arak (medium woman) and her assistants hold an Arak ritual in the yard of Neak Ta shrine.Source: Tu Anh Phan.