Exploring spaces of contact: intercultural encounters at Jewish and Buddhist religious centres in Groningen, Europe

ABSTRACT Societies and communities are destined and determined to change when they are open to crossing cultures. The phenomenon acknowledges diverse cultural adaptations, leading to new global goals for global interaction. Similarly, several studies demonstrate the existence of contact and engagement among diverse communities across Europe, fostering intercultural dialogue. As a result, the study seeks to investigate those spaces, specifically religious centres in Europe, that may serve as potential places of contact for diverse communities using the theories of ‘contact zones’, ‘hybrid identity’, particularly ‘organic hybridity’, ‘interfaith and interreligious encounters’ and ‘interculturalism’. The empirical study examines the intercultural interactions and exchanges occurring in the Jewish and Buddhist religious centres in Groningen to recognise how public spaces, particularly religious centres demonstrate the emergence of interculturality in Europe. Through interviews with officials, the study investigates cultural contacts and exchanges among disparate communities in the Buddhist and Jewish religious spaces of Groningen, The Netherlands. These interviews are further analysed using Arthur W Frank’s ‘Dialogical Narrative Analysis’ approach. Therefore, the paper examines the emergence of interculturality through experiences of contact among diverse European cultural or religious communities, using the framework of contact zones, hybrid identity, interfaith and interreligious studies, and interculturalism.


Introduction
Religion and culture have an intricate and multifaceted relationship, one that can be described as symbiotic.Cultures are also affected by the porousness of borders.To a great extent, Europe is an example of such porosity with at least a theoretical openness to the idea of cultures and societies coming together to uphold peaceful coexistence.As a result, there are many European spaces where CONTACT Sharal T. Correa sharal.correa@manipal.edudiversity and contact is encouraged.This happens, for the main in religious centres that foster interaction and exchange.The study discussed in this paper attempted to examine how spaces of contact, specifically, the religious centres in the city of Groningen, The Netherlands promote cultural engagements and exchanges among diverse cultural or religious groups that eventually demonstrate the emergence of interculturality.Using the framework of contact zone theory, the study looked to understand how public spaces, particularly religious centres revealed the presence of interculturality in Europe.The study further applies the theory of hybrid identity, especially organic hybridity (Bakhtin 1981, 360) to discuss the phenomenon of cultural mixing and borrowing that occurs in Europe's various religious centres.Consequently, in order to understand the interactions and exchanges occurring in the Jewish and Buddhist religious centres, theories of interreligious and interfaith studies as well as interculturalism are reviewed.
Through the framework of contact zones, the themes that mirror the notion of growing diversity and interculturality considering the exchanges and encounters with other societies and communities such as the Jewish and Buddhist are explored.As in the case of contact zones, interculturality too as an idea is believed to offer pre-eminence to active and unbiased interaction among various communities over inoperative tolerance.The intercultural model represented by Ted Cantle (2012) aspires to provide recognition to diversity and difference and lessen the manifestation of alleged cultural rifts.In this manner, the concepts of contact zones, organic hybridity and interculturalism offer to identify inter-group and intra-group exchanges that take place at the religious centres in Europe.
In this research, religious centres, particularly the Jewish and Buddhist centres in Groningen are identified as spaces of contact that provide opportunities for people hailing from diverse backgrounds to interact with each other (Baumann 2019;Johnson and Koyama 2017).The discussions or interviews presented here are analysed using Frank's (2012) 'Dialogical Narrative Analysis' (DNA) approach, which enable the identification of intercultural features of European society.On the whole, the research examines Europe's intercultural attitude, which seeks to promote integration by recognising different cultures and acknowledging their intermingling at different spaces of contact.

Contact zones
The term 'Contact Zones' was introduced by Mary Louise Pratt in her work Arts of the Contact Zone (Pratt 1999).Pratt (1999) defines contact zones as follows: 'Social spaces where cultures meet, clash and grapple with each other, often in the contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths as they are lived out in many parts of the world today' (Pratt 1999, 2).She uses the term to consider a teaching methodology that pursues not to wipe out linguistic and cultural dissimilarities but to study them.Pratt (1999) views classrooms as spaces that promote dialogue among pupils coming from different walks of life, an idea that resonates with the objective of this paper of examining the presence of intercultural dialogue occurring in the religious centres in Europe.Pratt majorly aims at transforming the classroom into a more 'organic place, a living, breathing social space filled with freethinking individuals of both similar and diverse experiences' (Carter 2010, 5).According to Pratt, a contact zone is enacted when these experiences are enfolded in the culture of the classroom and the freshly recognised culture/s at large.
The concept of contact zones has also been extended to the field of anthropology, study of arts, and geography.It has been used to understand different contexts in which people and the spaces they share are a source of constant contact and interaction.Wilson (2017) studies the notion of encounter and how it operates in the contexts of 'urban diversity' and 'socio-cultural difference' (Wilson 2017, 1).The objective is to critically examine the term encounter and its association with geography.According to her, an encounter is an exclusive variety of contact and in reflection to the geographical concept, it is an imperative feature while considering the components such as 'bodies, borders, and differences' (Wilson 2017, 1).Schorch (2013) employs the contact zone theory to capture the experiences of the museum visitors.He considers the interconnected forces of museological production and representation.He humanises the concept of contact zone through several aspects such as explanatory actions, advances, and representations produced by the visitors or the 'cultural actors' (Schorch 2013, 68) at the museum.Through the means of the aforementioned components, he initiates a hermeneutic space of cultural negotiation and grappling.Consequently, it leads to the understanding of how different individuals or the 'cultural actors' involve in the course of 'cultural world-making' (Schorch 2013, 69), which is perceived to begin with a sense of interpretation at all times.Schorch (2013) takes into consideration the case study of the 'Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa (Te Papa)' (Schorch 2013, 68) and its bicultural practices, policies, and programmes'.This study, features the 'cosmopolitanised' (Schorch 2013, 69) mode of the museum experience which is pluralist in nature.It draws one's attention to the cross-cultural dialogue that was administered not just by the means of an individual opening to the 'Other' (Schorch 2013, 77), but also through the notion of what the researcher called 'shifting Self' (Schorch 2013, 77).Consequently, Schorch (2013) identifies the conversion of a physical meeting into something like a discursive 'Third Space' (Bhabha 1994, 36).Leitner (2011) observes small towns as places where people (white residents and new immigrants) with asymmetrical power encounter each other.The study covers the responses of the residents of a small town in rural Minnesota, a Midwestern US State.The residents share their experiences of their encounters with new immigrants which draws attention to the interpersonal feature of individualities and attitudes.Space is perceived to provide scope for encounters that are likely to disrupt preconceived borders and racial categories.Residents' considerations of their racial preconception and other kinds of racism, as well as close social associations they establish with different immigrants, show potential for social relationships that go beyond dissimilarities across racial and cultural rifts.
The examples above underline how of the framework of contact zones can be broadly deployed, as it can include non-social or physical spaces.It also helps one in identifying the places of encounter that can be meaningful in leading to cultural borrowing, as improved contact can result in decreasing friction and bias, and thus can reveal much of what occurs during community interactions.

Hybrid identity
Bakhtin's thinking on hybrid identity forms a second part of the discussions of this study.Hybrid identity recognises 'popular mass culture, as subversive and revitalising inversions of official discourses, high-cultural aesthetic forms, or the exclusive lifestyles of dominant elites' (Stockhammer 2012, 12).Such widespread mixing and reorganisation are 'hybrid' (Stockhammer 2012, 12) in essence, since they ascertain and integrate representations, dialectical expressions, and illustrate practices from widely divergent and commonly distinct societies.
Bakhtin's hybridity framework describes two types of hybridity: 'organic' hybridity and 'intentional' hybridity (Bakhtin 1981, 360).According to Bakhtin, 'organic hybridization' refers to the 'unintentional, unconscious, everyday mixing and fusing of diverse cultural elements, as in the case of language' (Bakhtin 1981, 360).Organic hybridisation creates culturally constructive results by generating relatively new points of view and novel approaches of perceiving the world in expressions.In contrast, 'intentional hybridity' is the result of placing conscious variations and differences of opinion in an endeavour in which one representation is able to demonstrate commanding dialogue within one dialogue (Stockhammer 2012).'Organic hybridity' allows cultures to interact and fuse into a new expression, perspective, or thing.Organic hybridity favours mixture (Young 1995).Therefore, organic hybridity emerges when hybridity, blending, or merging transpires inadvertently and instinctively.It refers to the unnoticed encounters that lead to 'imagined homogeneity' (Ackermann 2012, 22).
As a result, hybridity is defined as a collection of metaphors that facilitate people to view the method of cultural transformation rationally and favourably.These metaphors are identified under three categories: 'borrowing', 'mixing', and 'translating' (Ackermann 2012, 14).All evolving cultures are cultures that have evolved from the concept of 'cultural borrowing' (Ackermann 2012, 15).
My analysis employs the notion of hybridity to demonstrate the engagement of diverse cultural groups at Buddhist and Jewish religious centres in Europe using the theory of 'hybrid identity', particularly 'organic hybridity'.

Studies on interreligious and interfaith encounters
Studies on interreligious and interfaith encounters examine spaces and dynamic interactions within and among religions involving individual adherents, rather than focusing on a single tradition or religion (Hedges 2013).Interreligious and interfaith encounters study conflict, opposition, and othering attitudes among and within religions (Leirvik 2014).Hence, encounters reveal power dynamics, requiring critical speaking, confronting the obvious, and encouraging responses in discourse (Moyaert 2013).
Interreligious and interfaith studies entail examining encounters in which one is already involved.Interreligious and interfaith studies are presented as informative, directive, and empirical (Gustafson 2015).It is informative.Interreligious and interfaith studies require an informative component that chronicles dialogue for the current as well as the future generations (Gustafson 2015).Interreligious and interfaith studies is directive.Interreligious and interfaith studies study the complex interplay between religion and secular values, involving all humans.Lastly, interreligious studies involve experiential learning to understand discourse dynamics and promote harmony, stability, and collaboration (Gustafson 2015).Therefore, interreligious and interfaith encounters studies integrate directive, empirical, and informative approaches.

Interculturalism
Intercultural model promotes communication and peaceful coexistence among diverse groups.According to Cantle (2012), Intercultural method promotes dialogue, negotiation, and understanding among diverse individuals.Intercultural model views culture as hybridisation and mixing, strengthening elements rather than pollutants of a particular cultural essence.Interculturalism emphasises active tolerance for fair engagement across diverse communities.It acknowledges difference and diversity while addressing cultural discords (Correa and Inamdar 2021).
Interculturalism promotes collective space, as seen in the Netherlands and UK.This collective space invites participation, impact, and integration of both the majority and minority (Correa and Inamdar 2021).European governments (Bezunartea et al. 2011) promote intercultural initiatives, empowering migrants to understand host countries' languages, religions, and cultures.
Interculturalism encourages inter-faith discourses, welcoming diverse individuals and promoting diverse faith representation (Bezunartea et al. 2011).Therefore, the intercultural model observes contact, negotiation, and integration, resulting from collaboration among cultures.

Methods
This study was conducted in Jewish and Buddhist religious centres in Groningen for over 3 weeks.The narratives of three main representatives, the officials at the Jewish and Buddhist centres were considered for the study and their narratives were analysed employing Frank's Dialogical Narrative analysis approach (Frank 2012).
Interviewees were asked about their thoughts on religious diversity, their engagement with people from diverse cultural and religious communities and their intercultural interactions and exchanges at the religious centres in the city of Groningen or in the European context and the various cultural encounters with the mainstream religious communities.The interviews were conducted using a semi-structured interview guide.At times, the interviewees narrated their stories nearly continuously and once in a while, they required prompting with relatively definite probes to assist them to keep on with their stories.The discussions progressed topically to and fro between accounts regarding the past, contemplations on the contemporary, and considerations about the future.
Three stories from Buddhist and Jewish religious centres in Groningen represented diversity and negotiation with mainstream community, showcasing their precision and plainness in discovering phenomena.Consequently, the narratives conveyed in this paper are formed from the researcher's recounting of the participants' accounts and quotations from the stories.The narratives were analysed to see how the various themes: religious diversity, contact, negotiation, and integration (centring the frameworks of contact zones, hybrid identity and interculturalism) represent the lives of the participants and understand their structure.The researcher identified participants' connections through social discourses and classifies multiple voices and expressions in their narrations.Lastly, the study examined participants' hopes, expectations, and desires for a peaceful society.

Positioning of the sample
Judaism has a rich history in Europe, with settlements throughout the mediaeval ages (Johnson and Koyama 2017).They were accepted as well as persecuted, which was determined by place and time (Roth 2005).Judaism has a strong presence in Europe, with significant Jewish communities, synagogues, and cultural institutions, influencing philosophical thought, art, literature, science, and politics across various societal facets.
On the other hand, Buddhism gained popularity in Europe, originating from Asian nations, with followers across Europe in France, Germany, Netherlands, Spain, Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, Austria, Poland, Czech Republic and others.Over 50 years, numerous European Buddhist traditions and institutes emerged (Baumann 2019).Buddhist sanghas, including Theravada, Mahayana, Tibetan, and recently established ones, founded significant monasteries.In Western Europe, Buddhism is advancing by promoting positive public perception, increasing centres and affiliates, and promoting vipassana meditation as a promising alternative to other faiths (Baumann 2019).It gains widespread acceptance in Western Europe due to capitalist market, promoting tranquillity and uplifting perceptions in Buddhist idols and objects (Baumann 2019).
Therefore, religious spaces in Groningen, Jewish, and Buddhist centres acknowledge diversity and encourage intercultural dialogue among diverse European communities, fostering intercultural dialogue and fostering intercultural encounters.Jewish, Buddhist minority communities peacefully cohabit with mainstream communities in city, despite their difficult past and minority status in Europe.The study therefore examines life stories of Jewish and Buddhist representatives' role in promoting interreligious dialogue, peaceful coexistence, and social integration.The three official representatives, despite not being born into the respective religions, enthusiastically represented the Jewish and Buddhist communities in Groningen by offering wholehearted service at Jewish and Buddhist religious centres.Moreover, they give the impression of recognising themselves as being one with the communities.The Jewish representative, though a Catholic, acknowledged having a strong sense of regard for the Jewish community and the Buddhist officials, though Christians by birth had accepted Buddhism in the later stages of their lives.The researcher aimed to interview Jewish and Buddhist religious leaders but was limited to representatives and managers due to security concerns.Officials at Jewish and Buddhist centres in Groningen were therefore selected to examine emerging diversity and interculturality in European religious spaces.

Limitations of the study
The level of interactions and cultural exchanges that are reasoned to take place in the Jewish and Buddhist religious centres is the focal point of the paper.It was observed that there is a strong presence of Judaism and Buddhism in the city of Groningen, enabling the researcher to smoothly conduct interviews with the representatives of the Jewish and Buddhist religious centres.However, the researcher intended to extend the study to all the religious spaces excluding the mainstream religion, Christianity since the objective was to also examine the role of the minority religious groups in integrating with the society at large and its foundational principles which are mainly based on Christian principles.The researcher intended to include representatives of Hinduism and Islam as well.However due to unavoidable circumstances, the study could not include discussions with them.As for the representatives of Hinduism, in the first instance, the presence of Hindu temples was not explicit and it seemed to be the case that they are merged with the Buddhist religious centres.Considering interviews at Muslim religious centres, the researcher attempted to reach out to the centres, but could not materialise it due to certain reasons pertaining to security risk.In this manner, the study could consider and finalise the Jewish and Buddhist officials as its sample for the study.
The researcher transcribed the audio-recorded files word for word and field notes maintained by the researcher were utilised at many phases in the course of research.Subsequently, the recordings were played again and the transliterated contents were read again to direct the researcher in familiarising with the gathered data.The researcher carefully worked with the interviews with the objective of determined pursuit for stories.

Three life stories
In the subsequent segment, let us participate in the personal accounts of three officials from the Jewish and Buddhist religious centres respectively.

Participant 1: official at Jewish Synagogue, Groningen
Participant one is an official at the Jewish Synagogue who plays multiple roles: A Sociologist, a Journalist, a Tour Guide and works at the museum in the city of Groningen.He is very content with the enormous 20 years of service he has rendered to the Jewish foundation and is very grateful to the Synagogue for accommodating him there.He is very dedicated to his work and puts in great efforts to manage the foundation and show it to the public.When asked about the role of the Jewish foundation, as he calls it, he mentions that the purpose is not to show just the building to the visitors, but to depict two main stories: one, Judaism, Jewish life and Jewish culture amid the Dutch culture and Dutch history and two, the experiences of the Jews during the Second World War: There was a Jewish community here around this Synagogue before the Second World War, with three thousand people, and during the Second World War, practically all these people were killed as being a minority in the European society.
He underlines the aspect that the Synagogue represents two stories, one that there existed Jewish life in Groningen and the second story of the Jewish life being annihilated during the Second World War.He expresses his concern that the historical event such as the one mentioned earlier is a sign of warning against discrimination, racism, and anti-Semitism.When asked about the challenges the centre faces, he promptly countered saying: We never have any signs of anti-Semitism, no swastikas painted on the wall, never any anti-Semitic thing here.As you have noticed there were no police guards standing outside.Well, in Europe there are many cities where all Synagogues are guarded by police and when you enter them, you are being checked.
The participant described religious diversity as Jews working together with other religions.They have a 'talking group', 'debate group' comprising of Catholics and Jews, who gather at the centre every month and converse about the differences and the similarities between Catholicism and Judaism.He designated it to be a very harmonious group.He further narrates that they had another group operating at the centre which came together once in every three months, called the 'Tent of Abraham', which is for the Abrahamic religions, Islam, Christianity, and Judaism: It is not a real tent, it is just a symbol and they talk about their connections.The group comprised of religious people, humanists, Bahais, Buddhists, Muslims, freemasons (non-religious).They organised meetings for the public and conducted different events, for instance the 'Light Ceremony'.Light Ceremony is organised every year in December.Everyone who wants to come can join.And, a Christian joins a candle with a Jew, a Jew joins a candle with a Muslim, a Muslim with a Hindu, a Hindu with a Buddhist, and so on He plays an active role in exhibiting the Jewish traditions to the visitors, mainly non-Jewish.His interaction with the visitors includes the narration of the painful events of the persecution of the Jews or the acts of anti-Semitism carried out by the Nazis.
We as non-Jews tell these stories to the audience.The Jews themselves do not do that.Jews do not talk about the awful part of their history.It is too painful for them.
When asked about how the religions integrate, he related to the Muslims integrating very well with the European society, but expressed concern that there are some extreme cases of anti-Semitic acts that are carried out by mostly the radicals: We want the Muslims to integrate.I know integration will take place.It has to; because Muslims also want to be a part of the society.They want jobs, they want to go to school and they meet non-Muslims and I am very positive about that.Only the radical Muslims sometimes destroy a window of Jewish shop or shout anti-Semitic words when you are wearing a Jewish Kippah.
However, he further narrates the association of the Muslims with the religious platform in the city with the detail that, What strikes me is that there are no Muslims joining in this group who originate from Islamic countries.
Furthermore, he narrates how the Jews are tolerant of other religions and negotiate: Jewish culture in Europe has always been: do not mingle into affairs of the others, hoping that the others do not mingle in your own affairs.Living together, but thinking do not mix with affairs and we will not mix with your affairs . . .Be tolerant.
He believes that through his association with the Synagogue, he knows more about Judaism than a Jew.People always wonder if he will become a Jew, but he confirms that he might not become a Jew, but certainly he does think like one.
The negotiation of the Jewish identity in relation to the societal conditions in the past, present, and future is captured in the narrative of the official at the Jewish Synagogue illustrating how identities are formed within sociohistorical frameworks.In many ways, the story of the Jewish Synagogue official reflected the painful past the Jewish community had in Groningen, The Netherlands as demonstrated in Frank's DNA method, where the life stories are perceived to be in the form of dialogues responding to others and anticipating future responses including the stories being retold with modifications, especially the agonising ones.Hence, the account helps in restructuring the past and creatively representing the future, as noticed in the case of the narrative, which is primarily the story of the Jewish community itself in the past.The thought is bolstered through his expressions such as 'discrimination', 'racism',' anti-Semitism' and 'awful'.This is further confirmed in the participant's going back and forth in particularly narrating the painful past of the Jewish community in Groningen.
Subsequently, the multiple voices and expressions of the representative drawn from speaker's social discourse resonate with the voice of the Jewish Rabbi, showing the polyphonic nature of his account, as illustrated in Frank's DNA method, where the expressions are not typically one's own but are obtained from one's social discourses, projecting the multiple expressions within one voice presenting the polyphonic (Bakhtin 1895(Bakhtin -2010) ) nature of the speaker's voice resonating with the voices of specific people the speaker encountered.The dialogues comprising of expressions such as 'integrate', 'connections', and 'living together' represent the elements of religious diversity, contact, interculturality, and integration, resounding the aspects of identity negotiation.The story is being narrated as being his own, portraying himself as experiencing the distress felt by the Jewish community and expresses hopes, expectations, and emotions keeping in mind the future.In this way, the story is heteroglossic (Bakhtin 1895(Bakhtin -2010)), which involves the speaker's voice resonating with an entire community and not definite individuals, as the account entails the voice of the entire Jewish community expressing the speaker's sense of attachment to the community, though he is not affiliated to it.The story of the Jewish representative is about identifying him as an individual who begins thinking like a Jew.It reflects the notion of restructuring the past of the Jewish community and creatively representing its future, as recognised by Bakhtin and Emerson (1984) that though the accounts or stories are of independent lives, they are both subjective and external as well as drawing from other people.Hence, this unfinalised nature of people indicates that stories or accounts are revised every now and then.

Participant 2: official at Buddhist Vipassana Centre, Groningen
Participant two is a board member at the Buddhist Vipassana Centre in Groningen, The Netherlands.A Christian by birth, but a Buddhist by choice, she dedicates her time to meet the needs of the Buddhist Meditation Centre in Groningen.She expresses her idea of religious diversity as: I know many Buddhist people and Christian people and of course they are all religious diversities and Islam and Jewish.
She expresses her role in the mediation centre as that of a member who proactively tries to maintain the everyday activities at the centre, keeping it open for the public, which may either include people visiting the centre to meditate or just to know more about Buddhism.
We as a board try to continue the organization to make it open so that everybody feels welcome here, welcome to the meditation centre, it should be open and welcome to people to meditate.Also, for people to know more about Buddhism there is a program.
Her thoughts on the members at the centre interacting with the other religious groups, include her claim that all members at the Buddhist centre are 'open'.And, 'if people are interested then they can always come, they can ask', or engage with the members at the centre.
She describes integration as a notion that welcomes all religious communities.She holds on to the belief that Buddhism is a welcoming religion.She validates the same through her following expression: The Buddhists in here put itself open or put itself as being called friendly or open-minded.
Additionally, the narrator characterises interreligious interactions as 'important' and 'good'.
We have religious platforms, where different religious groups can contact each other.And, we have participated in it from quite some years.It is good to interact and keep the conversation going.
We have discussion groups.We have the Jewish synagogue, where there are discussions and different religions, Muslims, learn about each other; they present themselves.
Concurrently, the Buddhist religious centre fosters opportunities for interreligious interactions, where the 'Christian or Muslim, whoever wants to meditate here, can come'.
The story of the Buddhist official also suggests the process of identity negotiation as indicated in the discussion with the representative at the Jewish Synagogue.The narrative not only reflects the notion of being a Buddhist, but also her sense of belongingness to the centre.Identity negotiation in relation to the societal conditions in the past, present, and future is essentially different from the story of the Jewish representative.The story reverberates the idea that the mainstream religion, Christianity, does not intimidate social integration as instantly as it promotes.There are no references to any painful past made by the participant with regard to the Buddhist identity.The story also makes suggestions that people find it easier to shift religious affiliations and gain access to Buddhism because of its welcoming and open nature.The openness of the centre mirrors the openness of Buddhism as a religion.The words such as 'welcome' and 'open' constantly used by the participant reflect the level of integration and acceptance Buddhism experiences in the liberal city of Groningen.The only concerns identified are pertaining to the maintenance of the place and not specifically indicating anything bitter concerning its social position.The account brings about the heteroglossic and polyphonic aspects of the account, where the speaker though not born in the community expresses a great sense of attachment to the Buddhist community, because she had chosen the faith and embraced the newly adopted ideologies propagated by a certain Buddhist religious leader, a fervent follower of Buddhism by birth.

Participant 3: official at Buddhist Meditation Centre, Groningen
The third participant is also a board member at the Buddhist Meditation Centre in Groningen, The Netherlands.A Christian by birth, but a Buddhist by choice.He is an ardent follower of the doctrines of Buddhism and diligently serves the Meditation Centre.His thoughts on religious diversity are along the similar lines as of the previous two participants.
The single dominant religion is Christianity still and perhaps the second Islam could be.There are more other religions, I think perhaps Hindus, Buddhists, Islam people, Sufi people.
Interaction with other communities for him meant, people from different religious backgrounds meeting on common days to meditate and practice yoga.
So, there are many different groups here, groups are mostly Buddhist groups, there are groups for yoga.
He describes the city as one accommodating all religions: Now we have a kind of cooperation between groups in Groningen.There is some kind of cooperation of Islam people, Christian people, Sufi people, and Jewish people.And I think they have a meeting two times in a month and sometimes they organise bigger events.
He is well informed about the city of Groningen being a liberal one incorporating all the religions.
You have to be the tolerant state and so it's also possible to have schools, we have in the Netherlands also some Hinduism schools.We have some Buddhist schools; perhaps we have many Christian schools, that's a kind of freedom of religion and freedom of philosophy and life.
He expresses concerns regarding matters pertaining to a certain religious group and felt very positive that an exchange or negotiation would surely lead to a positive outcome.
Sometimes the problem with Islam people in the city and elsewhere in the world also.I think it's really important to have contacts to be on speaking terms.
The narrative of the Buddhist official is about identity negotiation as in the case of the interaction with the other official at the Buddhist Meditation Centre.The interview expressed his life experiences at the religious centre which illustrates Frank's idea of a story as a depiction of life (Frank 2006).The story strongly reflects the journey of the participant in accepting Buddhism and his sense of belonging to the Meditation Centre.Identity negotiation in the story concerning societal conditions in the past, present, and future are fundamentally dissimilar from the story of the Jewish representative, but considerably similar to the second participant's story.Renouncing Christianity early in his life and accepting a new identity did not mean that something was at stake for him.His story about being a part of the Buddhist Meditation Centre does not echo any painful incident, but the statement about the exclusivist group posing a threat actively contrasted the notion of integration.The speaker used expressions such as 'cooperation', 'freedom of religion', and 'freedom of philosophy and life' while describing the presence of religious diversity in the city, demonstrating the heteroglossic character of the account observed by the DNA method, which entails codes involving professional jargons, expression of emotions, expectations, and which codes represent which situations.The inclusion of 'yoga', a practice originating from Hindu religious or spiritual traditions that emerges as an integral part of Buddhist worship practices, further demonstrated the existence of Hybridity, encompassing its three metaphors of mixing, borrowing, and translating.Therefore, through the merging of religious traditions and practices, a continuous contact and religious and cultural exchange between Hinduism and Buddhism becomes evident at the Buddhist religious spaces.Additionally, the narrative illustrates the notion of the mainstream religion, Christianity providing room for all religions to interact with each other on public platforms.'New narrative resources develop and are reflexively employed both to story selves and to revise expectations about the acceptability of accounts' (Gubrium 2009, 116).The narrative determines the intrinsic value of interfaith associations bolstered by ritual, social activism, and the state that uphold the ideals of recognition, inclusion, religious freedom, equal opportunities for participation, and laying out possibilities for a better future (Griera 2019;Moyaert 2019).This thought is reflected in the narrative, wherein activating 'contact' is perceived as a mechanism to evoke a sense of hope and expectation as expressed by the participant concerning the 'problem' of integration encountered as a result of the predominant experiences with the exclusivist groups in the city of Groningen.The narrative demonstrates how, in the contemporary society, religions no longer need to engage in a mode of conflict over space, adherents, or belief systems, instead, religions have generally evolved to assume a more accommodative and constructive outlook towards each other, cooperating in social endeavours and exchanging thoughts on prevalent religious issues.

Religious centres interpreted as spaces of contact
The three life stories narrated and analysed in the previous section indicate that the concepts of contact zones, hybrid identity and interculturalism emerge as appropriate concepts to understand the interactions that occur at the religious centres in Groningen.The three life stories exhibited in this article determine in full the basic assumption that constant interactions and exchanges are ongoing among people from different religious backgrounds in religious spaces viewed as contact zones.
The stories exhibit how the accounts of individuals are formed and obtained based on public accounts.'Stories provide an imaginative space in which people can claim identities, reject identities, and experiment with identities' (Frank 2012, 45).The three life stories demonstrate in the physical space (the Jewish Synagogue and the Buddhist Meditation Centre) the aspects of claiming identities, particularly in the case of the Jewish representative, who is a Catholic but, acknowledges to thinking like a Jew.The narratives demonstrate the notion of rejecting identities, as in the case of the two Buddhist representatives, as they are observed to be experimenting with their identities, specifically in their dealings with the intercultural society of Groningen.Furthermore, the representatives of these religious centres project the element of identity negotiation working around the concepts of heteroglossia and polyphony, where they resonate the expressions of the religious leaders of the religious centres in specific and their communities in general.Moreover, the contact zone, the religious centre, in this case, develops as the point of interaction for diverse religious communities which represent divergent doctrines, practices, traditions, and viewpoints further indicating the elements of mixing, cultural borrowing and translating operating within the centres displaying hybrid (organic) identity negotiated by the narrators.The religious centres serve as spaces that foster an intercultural attitude that acknowledge members from several religious groups as they go on to recognise and appreciate one another.
The stories give the impression that the city of Groningen is a 'tolerant state', instituted on Christian principles, as Christianity is the mainstream religion.It is apparent through the stories that the city observes religious diversity, social interaction, negotiation, and integration (in different magnitudes), which are identified as themes circling the concept of contact zones, hybrid identity and interculturalism.Since large societies are heterogeneous or plural, the religious groups, in this discussion, the Jewish and Buddhist succeed in finding ways to acknowledge diversity in their dealings.The stories of the Jewish and Buddhist officials emphasise that diversity has been good and there is recognition entitled to different religions.They resound the idea that there is readiness to receive non-Christians in community life.Also, they determine that the Christian world examines the different ways in which society faces the problem (minor) of religious diversity and is aware of the presence of cultural conflict.Diversity is therefore mostly perceived and received positively by the participants owing to the social contexts.Religious centres as a result may be viewed as social spaces where individuals have a purpose to contact each other, because they have entitlements and interests that outspread the constraints of their own secure homes, vicinities, disciplines, and societies.
The stories echo the possibility of a better future in terms of even the exclusivist groups cooperating and adhering to the principles laid out by the city authorities.The participants are not observed to accept conditions as they are, but hope to see a change.'Stories revise people's sense of self, and they situate people in groups' (Frank 2012, 33).Religious diversity, in the stories is implied working together with the Christian world and other religions.The religious centres and their representatives encourage engagement both among their affiliates and other groups as well promoting inter-group and intra-group cooperation.The open nature of the religious centres paves way for active interaction and exchanges among diverse religious groups both inside and outside these spaces of discourse validating them as contact zones which become organic social spaces.The narratives demonstrate the Jewish and the Buddhist religious spaces creating a communal place for intercultural discourse at forums such as the 'talking group', 'debate group', and 'Tent of Abraham' for all individuals comprising of the majority and minority.Accordingly, a certain sense of fostering relationships that can transcend disparities is observed to be encouraged when perceived through the lens of contact zones, hybrid identity and interculturalism.
Contact zones delineate the notion of encounter to interrogate aspects such as exemplified difference, colonial pasts, and inherent potential.The concept symbolises the attempts made by diverse religious communities (Christian, Muslim, Hindu, Jewish, and Buddhist) to reinforce interreligious interaction.Hence, power-play does not emerge overtly as affecting the interactions between the majority and the minority.As previously noted, the stories suggest that contact with exclusive religious groups is linked to more tolerance as expressed by the narrators through phrases such as 'radical Muslims sometimes destroy a window of Jewish shop or shout anti-Semitic words when you are wearing a Jewish Kippah, "there are no Muslims joining in this group who originate from Islamic countries" and "sometimes the problem with Islam people in the city and elsewhere in the world".So, the individuals appear to be unsure about interacting wholeheartedly with certain religious communities owing to the threat perceived and at times directed towards the Jews specifically.Nevertheless, the stories also provide cues that inter-group interactions may reduce individuals' prejudice towards certain groups as validated in the narratives saying 'it is really important to have contacts to be on speaking terms'.
Additionally, the religious centres, the Jewish and Buddhist officials represent are observed as spaces for interculturality and organic hybridity, where cultural practices from different cultures are appreciated and exchanged.A notable illustration in the narratives of cultural exchange and organic hybridity is the 'Light Ceremony', in which a 'Christian joins a candle with a Jew, a Jew joins a candle with a Muslim, a Muslim with a Hindu, and a Hindu with a Buddhist'.Moreover, local interfaith organisations too are very considerate of local religious diversity and generally go to the extent of fostering adequate scriptural discussions as well at the interreligious forums.
Consequently, religious spaces observed as contact zones may be reckoned as prime forces in the creation and maintenance of social integration.The cultural actors, here the representatives of the religious centres, involve in the course of cultural world-making.With the exception of a few exclusivist organisations, the religious spaces seem to be sources that unify rather than separate, building a peaceful society where the other religious groups are acknowledged as insiders.There is a level of consent that exists within the religious communities which results in intergroup integration.Moreover, religious institutions aid in social integration, but not in ways that jeopardise their distinctively religious nature.The religious spaces complement the regional institutional framework in which a society's ongoing daily operations take place.However, these religious places set limits about the potential for meddling with one another's private religious matters.Nevertheless, increased contact at the religious centres is expressed as a hope which eventually will lead to decrease in conflict and unfairness.
On the whole, it may be inferred that many Jewish religious sites in Europe have historical importance because they are linked to significant events in Jewish history.These centres function as memorials of Europe's rich Jewish legacy and the relevance of preserving and commemorating the past and experiences of European Jews.For Jewish communities, synagogues function as major venues of worship and communal meetings.They serve as places for contemplation, learning, and religious ceremonies.Synagogues are integral to the cultural as well as architectural variety of European towns as landmarks of architecture.Therefore, Jewish religious spaces have played a significant role in fostering interreligious understanding and cooperation with other religious groups in Europe.In order to promote understanding, interaction, and harmonious coexistence among various religious communities, they have offered places for interfaith gatherings, exchanges, and undertakings.Jewish religious authorities and academics have contributed to the advancement of interfaith understanding and tolerance by engaging in interreligious dialogues.
On the other hand, it may be drawn that Buddhist religious spaces, too, offer a place for Europeans and other religious communities to gain insight about Buddhist philosophy, meditation, and other contemplative practices.Buddhist religious spaces foster cultural interchange and mutual appreciation for diverse cultures and religions.They regularly organise meetings and sessions that highlight diverse facets of Buddhist culture.By means of such endeavours, European communities obtain a deeper recognition of Buddhist traditions, facilitating intercultural discourse and consciousness.Additionally, Buddhist centres in Europe actively engage in interreligious discourse initiated by other religious groups.By participating in interfaith gatherings, dialogues, and joint endeavours, they foster understanding, appreciation, and harmony among diverse religious communities.Besides, Buddhist religious authorities and adherents support interfaith forums for discussion, promoting improved integration and cooperation among diverse religious groups.
Therefore, it may be determined that both Jewish and Buddhist religious spaces contribute positively to the cultural, religious, and social fabric of Europe by facilitating interfaith discourse, individual growth, cross-cultural exchange, and harmonious coexistence eventually leading to social integration that indicates the emergence of interculturality.

Conclusion
In conclusion, societies transform and develop when they are willing to cross boundaries.In a given society, religions, as one of the fundamental aspects of culture are seen to traverse borders naturally and effectively.Europe too as a nation encourages exchanges in various magnitudes, primarily owing to its crucial feature of observing religious diversity and promotes social integration.Conversely, the implications may either suggest the presence of concord or conflict as in the case of this study.Nevertheless, the religious spaces in Europe may be considered 'organic places, living, breathing social spaces' (Carter 2010, 5) promoting intercultural encounters that lead to interactions and cultural exchanges (organic hybridity).
Consequently, the occurrence of encounters at the social spaces results in encouraging the agreement of varied cultural adaptations, further substantial in initiating new aims of networking with societies on a global level.It could be speculated that countries across the world may evolve in numerous ways when they welcome and acknowledge the presence of other cultures.This phenomenon may be further studied by extending the concepts of contact zones, organic identity and interculturalism to different contexts and spaces.