Female football supporters in Malmö: the struggle for space

ABSTRACT This article examines the lived experiences of female football supporters in Malmö. It aims to gain a deeper understanding of how female supporters relate to space and take place in the stands. Ten supporters organized in the separatist female supporter group Malmösystrar (Malmö Sisters) were interviewed. A feminist analysis was carried out using Beverley Skeggs’ theoretical understanding of gender as a social position through the concepts of space and femininity. The results show how female supporters express femininity and masculinity to gain power. Female supporters are marginalized through their social position of being women. To take space, female supporters tactically oppose feminism. Femininity is not a capital on the stands to gain power. However, when female supporters organize and their power increases, they express more femininity in looks and more masculinity in behaviour compared to before.


Introduction
Malmösystrar (Malmö Sisters) is a separatist female supporter group for Malmö Football Association (Malmö Fotbollsförening, known as Malmö FF, MFF).MFF is a professional football club based in Malmö, Sweden.It is one of the most successful clubs in Sweden, where the men's team play in the highest league.Malmö Sisters was formed in 2016 by a group of female supporters, and supporters identifying as female are welcome to join.Today, it is the largest female supporter group in Europe, with over 200 members. 1 This article focusses on the concepts of space and femininity in female supporters struggle to gain full access to the male-dominated supporter culture.
Being a female supporter organized in Malmö Sisters myself, I am aware of the conflict between being "female" and being a "supporter", summarily presented in the literature review below.This problem has led me to formulate the following question: How do female supporters relate to space through their position as women and their performance of femininity?
To answer this question, I interviewed ten female supporters organized in Malmö Sisters.Further, I used Beverley Skeggs' 2 theoretical understanding of space from the social position of gender (woman) and the cultural capital form of embodied femininity to gain power.The aim is to gain a deeper understanding of how female supporters relate to space and how they tactically claim it in the stands.

Literature review
To understand the development of today's football and its supporters, David Kennedy and Peter Kennedy, 3 and Richards Giulianotti, 4 discuss the impact of commodification.Commodification is Regarding gender norms in the stands, masculine behaviour is ideal.When it comes to the dresscode, some female supporters say they would never wear a skirt to the stands 31 ; they dress like male supporters to blend in and demonstrates that they are "real" supporters, just like men. 32However, female supporters should preferably not express too much masculinity. 33They are already breaking a gender norm just by being supporters, since it goes against the normative image of what constitutes a woman. 34However, the stands are not just a restrictive space for women; some female supporters experience freedom through not having to perform the female gender. 35t the same time, Stacey Pope 36 argues that women who attend football matches perform gender through masculine or feminine femininities."Masculine" femininity is described as women who identify as supporters.They perceive themselves as "tomboys" and identify more with men than other women."Feminine" femininity is described as women who wear lipstick and view football as a male sport, hence do not identify as supporters, but still enjoy going as company to a boyfriend.Although these stereotypes of femininities are opposites, Pope noticed how some women balanced the two identities -one identity in the supporter arena (masculine) and another outside (feminine).
Considering the definitions above, a combination of the stereotypical images of "feminine" and "masculine" identities are visible in previous research about female supporters.For instance, in one study, female supporters, who identify as supporters, underline that they are "regular women" and they demonstrated this through using make up and verbally distancing themselves from the prejudice of female supporters being lesbian. 37Another study shows that female supporters compensate for their "masculine" football interest by performing some form of femininity in the stands, not to stray too far from the gender norms. 38ost research on female football supporters focuses on the marginalization of women, but just like men, women form their identity in being supporters. 39The definition of supporter is to regard the club as part of one's identity and to attend all matches possible throughout life. 40Being a supporter is as a way of life for both male 41 and female 42 supporters.Although being a supporter means the same for both genders, female supporters' participation is limited.For example, they are excluded from Ultras groups or not acknowledged as "real" supporters. 43n this article, the performance of masculinity and femininity among female supporters will be a part of a further understanding of space.This article contributes to the research field by looking at female supporters' struggle for space through separatist organization and by presenting current results from this struggle.

Theoretical framework
A frequently used term in research of supporters and supporter culture is hegemonic masculinity. 44egemonic masculinity is defined as the type of masculinity that in a certain context best legitimate the patriarchy, by upholding men's dominant position and women's subordination. 45An interesting take on this is how the concept female supporters is related to hegemonic masculinity.Research argues that to use the term female supporters is to admit the hegemony between men and women, where female is used before supporter to present a deviation -that is, women as "the other" supporters. 46imone de Beauvoir 47 wrote that "one is not born a woman, but rather becomes one" through social construction.Woman is "the other" in relation to man.Judith Butler 48 advances this way of thinking by arguing that one does not become a woman but rather perform the role of "woman".Gender is in "doing", and the doing does not pre-exist the deed, instead, it forms the subject's identity through the deed. 49It takes a consistent breaking of normative doing to change gender norms.Masculinity and femininity are not essential, but part of the strategy to hide the performative character of gender. 50n Female Masculinity Jack Halberstam 51 discusses the idea that masculinity is reserved for men.There are many examples to be found of "feminine" men, but there seems to be no interest nor place for female masculinity.One explanation for this is that masculinity legitimizes power; power is connected to masculinity through privilege (distribution of wealth), patriarchy (in relation to women), and social promises (nepotism). 52Halberstam uses "tomboy" as an example of female masculinity. 53everley Skeggs 54 uses Pierre Bourdieu's understanding of different forms of capital to investigate women's relation to femininity and space.Bourdieu's 55 class-theory concerns the movement and interaction of different forms of capital in a social room.The capital forms -economic, cultural, and social -have different values depending on the room. 56Symbolic capital legitimizes the other capital forms. 57he women in Skeggs' 58 study invest in femininity, which is a cultural capital, since it is the main capital they can use to gain (relative) power in relation to men.The women in Skeggs' research belong to the working class, and they distance themselves from feminism because it does not fit normative femininity and therefore will not increase their power in the working-class space.
Gender is a social position that correlates with other positions, such as class and "race", and it either enables or limits access to and the value of capital, which in turn affects the capacity for movement in a social room. 59emininity is an embodied form of cultural capital which takes form through appearance.Women are encouraged to use this capital and are thus rewarded with more power in emotional relationships with men. 60Power is always relative to other people's power, and capital is measured in relation to other people's capital in the social room. 61Women can tactically use femininity to gain relative power in the social room.Tactic comes from a position of subordination, whereas strategy comes from a position of power. 62n this research, I focus on space and femininity and the way female supporters employ them in their struggle to get full access to the supporter culture.I use Skeggs' theoretical understanding of space from the social position "woman" and the cultural capital form of femininity.I investigate how female supporters relate to feminism and how they tactically use it to gain (relative) power.

Methodological discussion
Feminist research is closely tied to the feminist struggle.Both challenge power structures to achieve social change and justice for women and other marginalized groups. 63Situated knowledge is the feminist way of conducting good research. 64Knowledge is situated when the researcher discusses epistemology and methodology, one's own subject of position and capital, and adhere to reflexivity in the research process. 65eminist standpoint theory produces knowledge from the perspective of marginalized groups' experiences, with the intent that the knowledge shall be used in their struggle for justice through activism. 66From this epistemological point of view, my academic focus is grounded in activism, and the question and aim of this research are formulated to contribute to both the research field and the struggle for justice in the stands.
As a female MFF supporter organized in Malmö Sisters, I am part of the group I study in this research.To belong to the marginalized group being studied and to have knowledge about both the dominant group (men) and the own group is to be "double conscious" 67 or have an "epistemological advantage". 68My social position is consistent with many of the supporters interviewed in this research.I was born in Malmö, define myself as a woman, and economically belong to the workingclass but now have an academic education.Some of my interview subjects define themselves as "academic middle-class", which means they have economic working-class conditions with a middle-class cultural capital through education.I am white, as most of my interview subjects are, which is representative for the majority of female supporters in Malmö Sisters.
Importantly, following Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's concept of essentialism, I use "woman" and "female supporter" as political identities.Essentialism can be used strategically to highlight political interest. 69Strategic essentialism is when marginalized groups use categorization of one's own position to create a political identity for the group with the aim of displaying injustice. 70That said, I do not believe there is a simple definition of "woman" or "female supporter".Malmö Sisters welcome everyone identifying as women. 71

Method
This research aimed to gain an understanding of how female supporters relate to space.I collected my material (female supporters' voices and experiences) through semi-structured interviews.I interviewed ten female MFF supporters organized in Malmö Sisters.Each interview lasted around one hour.Four interviews were individual, and three were conducted with two supporters at the same time.
As a member of Malmö Sisters, I have access to the internal forums we use for discussion and contact.Malmö Sisters has over 200 members.It is a platform, which means there are no requirements for any level of activity.In my research, I focused on the most active supporters: they are the supporters who formed Malmö Sisters, participate in the membership meetings, and never miss a match.I searched for interview subjects through our internal network until I had ten participants.Since the supporter culture is a community, it is not easy to get full access as an outsider, which makes my insider-position an advantage.All interviewed supporters are over 18 years old.The majority is white, which is representative for the bigger group of Malmö Sisters but not for the stands or the male Ultras groups, where there is a greater diversity.
During the interviews, I included a background form where I asked for information on gender, age, occupation, time as an MFF-supporter and as a member of Malmö Sisters, and place of birth.I also included an "other" box for additional personal information.The form revealed that all participants identify as women and have season tickets to see all matches, home and away.The age span is between 24 and 42 years.A recurring profession among the participants is social worker at the social services.Other occupations include different forms of social work, such as work with elderly and work with children.All the participating supporters live in Malmö, and most of them were born here.The ones born in Malmö or nearby (seven participants) grew up surrounded by MFF through friends and family.The other three participants moved here in their youth and have been supporting MFF for 14-20 years now.The younger supporters, those under the age of 35, identify as middle class and the older ones identify as working class or "academic middle class".This differs from the Ultras groups, where most of the male supporters belong to the working class.
I transcribed the interviews and analysed the material using data-reduction, coding, and conclusions. 72In short, I selected relevant parts from the material; abstracted similarities, differences, and themes; coded the data; drew conclusions; and finally connected the material back to the interviews to control its context and make sure the conclusions represented the original statements.

Ethical considerations
All interviews were conducted in confidentiality, and the names of the participants are withheld by mutual agreement.In agreement with the interviewed supporters, they are referred to as Malmö Sister 1-10.The participants gave their consent verbally on record.According to the recommendations for good research practice, 73 the participants were given information about the research forehand, and I informed them that they could at any time cancel the interview as well as withdraw their consent, and in that case, I would delete everything connected to that person.

Results
In this research, I investigated how female supporters relate to space through their positions as women and their performance of femininity.

The space
Previous research shows how the football supporter culture belongs to men.One factor influencing this is socialization, where men are socially introduced to football at a young age and women are not. 74 asked the female supporters in Malmö Sisters about their upbringing and background in relation to being supporters.Most of the participants (7/10) were brought to matches as children by their fathers or close male relatives and describe how MFF was part of their social upbringing.The rest (3/10) grew up outside of Malmö and were brought to matches by boyfriends when they moved to Malmö in their teens.This background matches that of the male supporters described in previous research, which is referred to as a process of socialization. 75he cultural aspect is another factor that ensures men's access to football, where all aspects of the supporter culture are shaped by and for men. 76When the participants talked about being female supporters, they explained that men have access to all forms of being a supporter, whereas women's access is limited.For example, women are not welcome in the Ultras groupings.It is difficult to find one's place as an active supporter: If you are a dude, you can just walk on to the stands and you will find someone.As a woman, you need to be organized to find those who are like you. 77e problem was that before Malmö Sisters, there were no other groups for women to organize themselves in.That is, there was no space for them to be active supporters.Consequently, men were the only example of active supporters to look up to: I started to go on matches with men who are organized.So, they shaped the image of what a supporter is.If I want to be a supporter, it's Ultras.But I can't because I am a woman. 78is conflict between being a supporter and being female, where the position "woman" limits the access to being an active supporter to the same extent as men, is why Malmö Sisters was formed: Before, I wanted to be accepted as one of the dudes and live up to their norms and standards.But why did I want to be a part of something I would never be accepted into?And that I don't even agree with?That's why we started Malmö Sisters.To be supporters.That's what it's all about. 79lmö Sisters is about female supporters having access to being supporters.Although most of the female supporters in this research were socialized into MFF as children, and all of them have been supporters for many years, they said that Malmö Sisters was essential to them becoming supporters in the way they have always wanted to be: To be a supporter is to be a part of the collective.To sing, to contribute to the match.The creativity.And that's what separates watching football and being a supporter.Malmö Sisters made being a supporter possible for me. 80l the interviewed female supporters described being a supporter as a way of life, and they defined it as a community.In Malmö, there is only one team playing in Allsvenskan (the highest professional football league in Sweden), so it unites the people in the city.Although the female supporters are part of the city and the supporter community, their belonging to the stands used to be questioned: Before Malmö Sisters it was very different.But we have been around for five years now, and proven we are here to stay.But before Malmö Sisters, we were questioned."What are you doing here?".Like we didn't belong. 81en the female supporters described Malmö Sisters, they spoke about belonging.One participant said: "Malmö Sisters gave us a voice.An opportunity to speak out.To belong to something". 82Before Malmö Sisters, female supporters did not feel like they belonged as supporters on the stands.

The position of 'woman'
The concept female supporter separates "female" from "supporter" by denoting a deviation from the norm; "the other" supporter. 83The term female supporter is something the supporters in Malmö Sisters want to get away from: First-hand, I am a supporter of MFF.I use the term female supporters as well, so I am part of the problem.But I don't believe in this separation.The identification with being a supporter is the same, regardless of gender.And the practice as well.It's all the same. 84e supporters explained that saying "female supporters" is misrepresentative.Being a supporter has nothing to do with gender.Being a supporter can in fact be a space free from gender for the female supporters: When I go to a match and I am on the stands, nothing else exists.It's one of the few times in life where I am not a woman.I am just a person, together with other people with a common feeling.It's liberating. 85though female supporters experience freedom from gender norms during a match, the practise of being a supporter is connected to masculinity, and previous research point out that the stands are a place for men to form their masculine identity. 86However, the connection between being a supporter and masculinity is questioned by the supporters.To cite one participant: "To paint, sew, and sing in choir.That is not traditionally masculine.But in this context, it is masculine". 87he participants said they wish that Malmö Sisters would change the masculine norms (of supporter culture) that exclude women: I hope Malmö Sisters will change the norms.That the image of a supporter doesn't have to be a young man that likes to fight.It could be a young woman that likes to fight. 88e statement above was said in laughter.But it highlights the core of all the interviewed supporters' take on being a supporter -female supporters are supporters.
During the interviews, the supporters in Malmö Sisters spoke about the prejudices they encounter solely based on being female.I categorized four preconceptions from the interviews: (1) female supporters will calm the stands, (2) female supporters are only supporters to find a man, (3) female supporters should stop being supporters when they become mothers, and (4) female supporters are only supporters because they played football growing up.Some man wrote to the newspaper.Something had happened on the stands in connection to a match, chaos and fights, things that happens.And this man wrote "where are the women?".He wondered why we didn't stop this.As if that's our purpose on the stands.That we have a different role there. 89is first assumption is discussed in previous research as well. 90It indicates that there is a feminine essence to being a woman that will supposedly make female supporters different from male supporters on the stands.Therefore, they get blamed when they fail to behave as women and deescalate male supporters' violence.This is evident in the quote above, which was supported by another participant: One has heard that it's important to get more women to the stands because then it will be calmer.But I am not interested in being a mom. 91e second assumption is that female supporters with children are expected to quit being supporters: I experience how people look at me as a 36-year-old woman, "shouldn't you be at home with your husband and your children?" 92 The assumption of being a mother and a supporter, that it's a sacrifice.My child has a father as well.But that's not an issue.93 The above quotes show how the participants are expected to behave "like mothers", which does not translate to being supporters.Both participants' husbands are active supporters as well, and they do not experience such expectations; their fatherhood is not in question.The image of a supporter does not fit the image of a mother, but it does fit the image of a father.Thus, the space for male supporters is larger.
The third assumption is that female supporters go to football matches for other reasons than men do, namely for men: When I say that I am a football supporter, people assume I go with my boyfriend.When I tell them that he isn't interested in football, they become stumped. 94 assumption about female supporters is that we go to matches to find us a boyfriend.Or because we find the players hot. 95e above quotes illustrate the assumption that female supporters are not genuine regarding their motives for supporting football and going to matches.Additionally, there is an implicit assumption here that these women are heterosexual, which indirectly indicates that male supporters do not have a sexual agenda in this context, and, therefore, are not homosexual (not there to find a boyfriend or because the players are hot).In contrast to women, men are genuine supporters.
The fourth assumption is that female supporters are expected to have been football players themselves, which explains their interest: I never played football.That's a question you get as a female supporter, "do you play football?".Haha, no. 96think you get legitimacy as a female supporter if you have played football, in men's world. 97t of the interviewed supporters, only three have played football themselves.The quotes above show how female supporters are legitimized by men.That is, being a female supporter must be explained to be understood and legitimized by male supporters.The four assumptions above all boil down to the notion that women are not seen as genuine supporters, which corresponds with previous research on how male supporters view their female counterparts. 98

The performance of femininity
Research shows that it is not just the position "woman" but femininity overall that is marginalized on the stands. 99I asked the participants about their views on gender norms in supporter culture to understand how they relate to masculinity and femininity on the stands: It is a macho culture.In the beginning of being a supporter, I took after it.To be more macho or to have the specific attributes.I would never go to a game in a skirt, since that would be too feminine, and it didn't fit in.Now, I don't feel that way anymore.It's a great difference from when I started going in 2007.We [female supporters] have been part of shaping the culture. 100e participant quoted above, explained that, before, femininity did not fit in on the stands.Dressing "female" was not compatible with being a supporter.Other research has shown similar statements -female supporters would not go to a match in a skirt since it is too feminine. 101To fit in, they adapt the dress-code to demonstrate they are as real supporters as men. 102Femininity and masculinity are cultural capitals with different values depending on the social room. 103For instance, the participant still referred to the supporter culture as "macho".The norms are not gone, but the female supporters have influenced the space, and expressing femininity in looks is no longer a sign for being less of a supporter.
According to previous research, women attending football matches do "feminine" or "masculine" femininities, and female supporters tend to do "masculine" femininity on the stands. 104ased on the participants description above, the doing of femininity or masculinity in this context rather depends on space (and power), not identity (being "feminine" or "masculine").The participant was previously limited in expressing femininity (going to a game in a skirt), which she no longer is.Nonetheless, female supporters still experience the impact of masculine norms: There are masculine norms on the stands.It's hard to separate what is what.But there is a tendency among supporters in Malmö Sisters to follow them.To be cool and to know what matters.There are a lot of unwritten rules. 105sculinities and femininities can be used as capital through embodiment, for example through looks. 106According to the participant quoted above, the stands have masculine norms and unwritten rules.It is not clear whether the participant was talking about unwritten rules regarding looks or behaviour, or both, but other participants talked about both aspects of masculine norms.

The following example is regarding looks:
There is pressure on us that our way of being supporters should mirror the men's.Today, I wear a blue dress.Some would think, "What is this Christmas tree stuff?We are just as tough as the men". 107e participant quoted above wears a dress on a match day, which means she expresses femininity in looks.She also wears the colour of the club (light blue, like the sky), which explains her reference to being dressed like a "Christmas tree" (a supporter "dressing up" as a supporter in clothes from the clubs supporter shop, which is not the norm amongst the male Ultras supporters; there is a casual dress code on the stands, consisting of specific designer clothing and sneakers, which is common knowledge among supporters).
The following example is regarding behaviour: I really believe Malmö Sisters was needed when I was young.To see women behaving like men.I think that is important, to see those women on the stands. 108e participant quoted above talked about norms in terms of masculine behaviour belonging to male supporters.Masculinity is reserved for men to a greater extent than femininity is for women, since masculinity is connected to power while femininity is not. 109With the organization of female supporters on the stands through Malmö Sisters, female supporters' power grew, and with it their ability to express masculine behaviour.Consequently, the space for female supporters to express femininity (in looks) and masculinity (in behaviour) has expanded with Malmö Sisters, because of their increased power in the supporter culture.

Tactics to take space
Claiming a place in the stands as a woman involves breaking norms.One participant said: "It's no certainty to take place in the stands.It's not certain for men either, but far less certain for women.It becomes a challenge, a way to break norms". 110The participant is talking about breaking norms just by attending a football match as a woman.Malmö Sisters was formed in a social room with a lot of male groups (Ultras groups) and no other female group.To claim space as a female supporter group requires tactics: We started from the bottom.In football culture, you gain respect by forming a group where the football takes place, which is on the stands.Start there, don't start on social media.Football is all about attendance.It won't give you any points to hype up yourself if you can't live up to the image.Now, we are a force to be reckoned with.If we would have started any other way, I don't think people would have respected us. 111e participant continued to talk about how to take space as a female supporter group: In some contexts, one must adhere to certain rules.That sucks.And not everyone will agree with me on this.But in some situations, I feel, it is smarter to be careful than to run too fast.One must be strategic.As women in a male dominated culture, one must be even more strategic.One must think a step ahead in how to express oneself and how to take space.That really sucks.But it's what one must do. 112egarding these "rules" female supporters feel they must adhere to, research shows that the Ultras groups dictate the social rules in the stands. 113Women are not, and have never been, welcome in MFF's Ultras groupings.Hence, female supporters have to conform to rules set by male supporters.The participant quoted above talked about being "strategic" from the social position of being a woman in a masculine room.Being strategic is something one can do when one is in a position of power, whereas using tactics comes from a perspective of limitations; it is used to create possibilities from a marginalized position. 114Thus, the participant was referring to being tactical regarding taking space on the stands.One of Skeggs' 115 findings is that the working-class women in her study distance themselves from feminism.Skeggs believes this is because feminism is not a valuable factor to invest in to gain (relative) power in these women's social room.Instead, they get more power by investing in traditional femininity.Regarding the supporters in Malmö Sisters, they distance themselves from feminism as well: It's really important that Malmö Sisters is not about feminism.It would harm us as a group if we were to be political.We need to be as non-feminist as possible.The ones that are working against us as a group, they claim that we are political.But we have never ever done anything political.To be female is apparently all it takes for people to view us as political.But our focus has always and unconditionally been about MFF. 116cording to the participant quoted above, Malmö Sisters employ the tactic of taking a strong distance from feminism.Because of their social position as women, organized female supporters claiming a place on the stands is seen as a political act -even when their agenda is football and nothing else.This association between being a female supporter and doing politics, specifically feminism, was brought up by the other participants as well.For instance, another participant said: "People can think that 'that is a rabid feminist' about some of us in Malmö Sisters.They think that we are some kind of extreme feminists". 117eing an organized female supporter is enough to be viewed as a feminist.The problem is not in female supporters being feminists, but in them being perceived as less legitimate as supporters.Women are diminished to doing politics, and therefore, not seen as genuine supporters.Since the problem appears to be that female supporters have another agenda than male supporters, they feel they must prove the agenda wrong.Therefore, to prove that they are genuine supporters, they oppose feminism: I think it would have been so much easier if I didn't identify as a feminist.If I didn't see those issues as relevant.Then, I wouldn't have to defend my agenda in being a supporter.My agenda is, and has always been, football. 118 Skeggs' 119 study, the working-class women distance themselves from feminism since it is not valuable as tactic for gaining more power.In comparison, the participants in this study (the female supporters in Malmö Sisters) are generally more middle-class, but their social room is dictated by male (working-class) Ultras.To gain more (relative) power on the stands, they must tactically separate themselves from feminism.

Conclusions
In this article, I have investigated how MFF female supporters relate to space on the stands.This was done through Beverley Skeggs' 120 theoretical understanding of space from the social position "woman", the cultural capital form of embodied femininity, and the tactical opposition to feminism.The material consists of interviews with ten female supporters organized in Malmö Sisters.Previous research shows that female supporters succumb to masculine norms in the stands. 121My research contributes with nuance to that conclusion.
Femininity is not capital for female football supporters; it does not help them to gain power on the stands.The extent to which female supporters perform masculinity and femininity depends on their current power, not on their identity as "masculine" or "feminine".Their power increases when they organize as a group.Taking space and gaining power on the stands requires using certain tactics, and one tactic is for these women to distance themselves from feminism.Furthermore, with increased power, female supporters change their approach to gender norms.For instance, they can now attend football matches in skirts and dresses -since there is no longer a risk of being seen as less genuine as supporters.They also find strength in seeing other female supporters breaking feminine gender norms in behaving "like men".
Previous research shows that male supporters strategically make fun of female supporters who express too much masculinity in behaviour on the stands. 122However, this article shows that when female supporters are organized together in the hundreds, they gain power in the stands and a voice as supporters, which makes it harder for men to successfully continue using diminishing strategies.
Further, the problem is not in being a female supporter but in being female.Like previous research, 123 this article shows that female supporters experience other obligations and prejudices on the stands due to gender.
An interesting comparison between this research and Skeggs' concerns female supporters (not) identifying as feminists.The women in Skeggs' 124 study express a lot of feminist ideas and issues, despite not being comfortable using the term feminism; namely, they do not associate with it because they believe it is a term for middle-class women.In my study, middle-class women identify with feminism but distance themselves from the term tactically because -just as for the workingclass women in Skeggs' study -it does not give them any increased (relative) power in their social room.If anything, it diminishes their power and recognition as genuine supporters.
Connecting to research showing that female supporters' distance themselves from being perceived as lesbian, 125 this article also shows heteronormative assumptions about the female gender role.Therefore, future studies should further investigate sexuality among football supporters.For instance, how do homosexual football supporters experience the supporter culture?I see a need for a more intersectional understanding of taking space as a supporter, looking at trans and non-binary inclusion as well as questioning ethnicity and class.In Malmö Sisters, everyone identifying as female is welcome, and there is a common understanding of the inclusion of non-binary people.How does this inclusion work in real life?I will end this article by restating the most important insight I got from my research: Female supporters act tactically to take space and gain power on the stands.With more power, the supporters' performance of femininity and masculinity changes.