Significance of biocultural heritage, cultural landscape and islandness for responsible tourism: a Knoydart case study

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic, environmental crisis and increasing growth in tourism prompted interest in more responsible tourism. So called responsible tourism (RT) entails diverse ingredients and an aim of this research is to understand if residents of community owned nature-rich land believe they have responsibility to share with visitors, or if their focus is shifting toward prioritising environmental conservation and or personal wellbeing. In this case study a unique perception of RT emerges in Knoydart Scotland, born from a pronounced awareness of biocultural heritage and a self-directed understanding of landscape as cultural. A distinctive feature in this case study is an expression of abundant generosity evolving from participants’ embodied understanding of the integration of culture and nature. This commitment to a cultural landscape is particularly noteworthy since it is set within a location presented to tourists as ‘wilderness’. Findings suggest that it is meaningful to explore historically evolved cultural understandings of ‘islandness’ and biocultural heritage, before promoting exogenous RT strategies. This research revitalizes frequently discredited notions about what responsible and sustainable tourism involve, as well as offering a rare example of the impacts of ‘islandness’ within a mainland setting.


Introduction
scottish government is concentrating on 'responsible tourism' as its approach for the current decade (scotland Outlook 2030), yet an embodied interpretation of 'responsible' depends upon individuals' perspectives in situ.Further, it is argued that the attitude-behaviour gap in sustainable tourism is large, even for visitors who feel environmentally responsible (Juvan & Dolnicar, 2014).the diversity of what responsible tourism may entail, as well as the flexibility or uncertainty regarding its implementation, render its discourse vulnerable to greenwashing and serving as a camouflage for business as usual tourism.this research presents one alternative and embodied approach from a community located in a sought-after natural environment.
Rural and nature-based tourism intensified after cOViD, and supposedly a new chapter in tourism studies began focusing on 'the fragility of tourism capitalism, prompting forward-looking analyses among critical scholars' (Gibson, 2021, 84).scholars call for not returning to what was considered normal and discuss visitors seeking transformation and regeneration for themselves, for the tourism industry and the planet (ateljevic, 2020;Benjamin et al., 2020;everingham & chassagne, 2020;Gibson, 2021;lew et al., 2020).Mental health and well-being are main topics across media platforms, and growing themes in tourism studies (Morse et al., 2012) emphasising increased desire for restorative connection with the outdoors (Buckley & Westaway, 2020).today well-being is understood as the main motivator for tourism, across the industry as ' …the principal driver of destination decisions by leisure tourists and holiday makers,' applying 'to tourists in general, not only a targeted well-being subsector, ' (cooper & Buckley, 2022, 786).thus, the pandemic augmented importance of natural environments with the search for mental health and personal well-being in nature (ONs, 2021;John Muir trust, 2021, 17) and tourism become even more dependent on marketing nature.
While sustainability (Gössling et al., 2021) and the environment gain fresh life in post-cOViD tourism studies, rural and especially nature-rich locations, are largely expected to find their own solutions to the increase in tourism.the place-based solutions communities devise are particularly important for the equilibrium of natural environments.additionally, the community response is key, since responsible tourism puts the onus upon individuals, communities and local organizations (Nikhildas & Jagadeesan, 2021, 1935) rather than relying on government to solve tourism related problems.
this case study aims to unpick what relationships between humans and place exist, and if these relationships may be calling for a re-evaluation of the type of tourism the community wishes to engage with.community owned land is deemed ideal for this type of exploration since it is frequently combined with high levels of custodianship (Marango et al., 2020) and personal sense of place.Given the reassessment of tourism that appears to be occurring, this case study explores if the conflicts and contested allegiances between a perceived duty to share a rich natural environment with visitors, and increased responsibility for conservation, may become contested themes in understanding responsible tourism today.Do residents of community owned nature-rich land, believe they have responsibility to share with visitors, or is their focus shifting toward prioritising eco-centricity and or personal wellbeing?
although the sample size is small, for reasons discussed in the Methods section, the themes and discourses which emerged from the participants rendered the project highly stimulating and during the course of the research it became evident the preliminary findings could act as a springboard to stimulate larger scale studies of community owned land and biocultural heritage in relation to tourism.additionally, the lens of 'islandness' proved an effective tool for interpretation in this out of the way mainland location, and could be a framework with useful application within other so-called 'remote' areas of the scottish highlands and beyond.

Responsible tourism
as Dwyer (2018) aptly wrote almost a decade ago, a 'sustainable future's paradigm' has been 'grafted onto the established mind set without basically changing its key elements ' (2018:30) and therefore we remain embedded in a model of neo-liberal, anthropocentric, growth at all costs (Jackson, 2017).Responsible tourism emerged in the early 1990s as a form of sustainable tourism arising out of a WtO conference in algeria (Mohamadi et al., 2022, 402).therefore, Rt is by no means a new concept, yet Rt as a term has been less widely used and therefore may seem less discredited.currently interest in Rt arises since: this shift in emphasis has taken place because not much progress has been made on realizing sustainable tourism since the earth summit in Rio. this is partly because everyone has been expecting others to behave in a sustainable way. the emphasis on responsibility in tourism, Rt, means that everyone involved in tourism -government, product owners and operators, transport operators, community services, NGO's (Non-Governmental Organization) and cBO's (community Based Organization), tourists, local communities, industry associations -are responsible for achieving the goals of responsible tourism.(Nikhildas & Jagadeesan, 2021, 1935) Within the context of this research, the most relevant aspect of Rt concerns how local people are supposed to be responsible for managing and designing their tourism, and are expected to benefit culturally and socially, as well as financially (Nikhildas & Jagadeesan, 2021, 1935).as scotland Outlook 2030 states: 'Residents have now become as important to a destination as visitors, ' (scotland Outlook 2030:16).this change of emphasis from visitor to resident has emerged since the work of making a local transition to sustainability, mitigating climate change and creating an inclusive, green and robust economy based on tourism, now is largely devolved into a task that rests upon those who live and work in the location.thus, tourism today may offer important opportunities for empowering local people (Rastegar et al., 2021).Or people may find they lack time, energy and cohesion to engage in Rt and fall back on a 'business as usual' tourism default.

Islandness
the theoretical framework of islandness as a lens proved significant for comprehending and contextualizing research in the case study area of Knoydart.While Knoydart is located Northwest highlands, on one of the most northern sections of mainland uK, facing the North atlantic, with a latitude of 57° 2′ 25.8576 and longitude of −5° 41′ 51.99; Knoydart is not an island.Yet Knoydart is distinctive for having no road access and being reached by ferry, or by foot (which involves a multiday hike) in mountainous terrain that Knoydart is known for.the small ferry departs from Mallaig, the nearest town with services, and there is no provision for visitors to drive or bring cars to Knoydart.this fact alone may play a role attracting or disincentivizing types of visitors.Within the large body of literature on islandness, the relevant intersections regarding the case study can be subdivided into three groups or discursive themes; these are geographic understandings, sociological interpretations, and finally phycological, or symbolic and metamorphic foci (Robinson et al., 2012).

Islandness -geographic understandings
Briefly considering a few aspects of the geographic, Robinson et al. (2012) offer a more detailed discussion of islandness within the context of 'rural islandness' which includes features such as a low population density, lack of access to many services, 'unique infrastructure dilemmas' and is shaped by the distance or isolation of being surrounded by sea (Robinson et al., 2012, 20.2). all of these factors represent intrinsic aspects of life in Knoydart.indeed, these are the same factors which are attractive to tourists, perceiving Knoydart as different from the mainland and as a distinctive mountain/island culture (Moss, 2006) Frequently within the exploration of islandness the ferry plays a principle role in regulation of life, determining how and when people move (parker, 2021, 2) marking time, seasons and the rhythms of life (Vannini & taggart, 2012).the ferry is the gatekeeper for the outer world and dependency on ferries to access the mainland creates a sense of 'separation that is both a resource and constraint, facilitating feelings and experiences of insulation… and isolation… and there is a constant trade-off between the two, ' (Robinson et al., 2012, 20.5).Within this vision, geographically the sea creates a space of differentiation providing protection or separation, as is vocalized by participants in the discussion section.Yet historically the sea, and islands therein, stimulated increased interconnectivity through trade, religion and migration for example (horden & purcell, 2000) as well as engendering transnationality (parker, 2021, 2). the history of the sea and islandness, shape the conclusions in this research.Finally, the geographical study of islandness involves the heightened impacts of climate change combining with islandness (Foley, 2017) and responding to islanders' awareness of a climate emergency, Knoydart has formed 'climate change conversations' which includes educational experiences, sometimes in collaboration with scientists and residents' meetings and may be indicative of residents' awareness of fragility of place and climate change impacts.

Islandness -sociological interpretations
secondly, we consider a few aspects within sociological scholarship regarding islandness that relate most directly for contextualizing the case study.hay (2006) describes part of the concept of islandness involving a strong sense of place, although conceivably a deep rootedness to place is also definitive of mountain cultures and to some degree rurality more generally.Vannini and taggart (2012) discuss islandness as a practice, one which changes in relation to each island, and is embodied, rather than defined by concepts and theory.indeed, as we will see, those who choose to participate in this research at Knoydart, communicate a particularly embodied, physical understanding of place.Vannini and taggart (2012) draw upon ingold's The Perception of the Environment (2011) to argue that places emerge through practices and a 'skilful engagement with its affordances,' (2012:227) whereby a sense of place is assembled through a person making use of what is to hand.at Knoydart participants' discussion of land use/management in the past, shaping the present, is a good example of this perception.if islandness is, as Vannini and taggart (2012, 228) argue, 'grounded in unique kinesthetics performances' this may partly explain participants' strongly embodied understandings of place.likewise, there is a parallel for visitors in this sense; Knoydart is marketed as a place where one physically connects to the location, mountain biking, sea kayaking, mountain and uplands hiking, as well as learning traditional crafts, practices and music (https://www.visitknoydart.co.uk/activities).
sociologically the idea of community cohesion attracts people to move to islands; for example on the isle of Bute, amenity migrant retirees feel less isolated than previously on the mainland as their neighbours look out for them, there is less crime, and many nearby social events to participate in (philip & Macleod, 2016, 163,164).Yet community cohesion on islands may come at a cost and frequently must be maintained for practical reasons involving co-operation in a small and bounded community (Watts, 2018) or it may be a façade behind which residents seek privacy and distance in a society that feels intensely public because it is so small (Gill, 1984). in this case study, the gatekeeper explained that participation would be limited because residents had been recently inundated with reading and paperwork due to electing new board members and new projects commencing. in conversation, it was also suggested this situation is relatively consistent as a small group tend to be active in the community while a larger group engage less.although this is a familiar reality in many communities, it is worth noting that a heightened need for privacy may create additional obstacles to participation in research in island settings.
Further, of relevance to Knoydart the authors halliday et al. ( 2022), studying mental health across scotland, found that 'mental health is better in more rural and more remote areas of scotland' and they found what they term as 'the island effect' , whereby some of the benefits of good mental health were attributed to 'social cohesion ' and 'social gifting' (2022:100098).this study was noteworthy for including 'island Mainland status' within its 'remote' category, which encompasses Knoydart's characteristics.the island Mainland areas also experience an 'additional "beneficial" effect' , for mental health (2022:100098) and well-being.previously, in the introduction we discussed visitors increased search for out of the way, nature-rich locations to provide mental well-being; described as augmenting in the wake of cOViD.the research question in this case study focused on exploring if Knoydart residents believe they have responsibility to share the benefits of their natural environment with visitors, or if their focus is shifting toward prioritising eco-centricity and or personal wellbeing.in the discussion section we will see how a pivotal motivational factor for engaging with visitors is a presumptive stance of generosity.conceivably this generosity toward visitors and the particular type of Rt which is thereby engendered, is greatly facilitated, or may directly rely upon, residents experiencing a high degree of well-being themselves.

Islandness -symbolic and metamorphic
literature regarding islandness as metaphor, as symbol, or as a state of mind is useful for contextualizing the conclusions of this case study, wherein it is discussed in more detail.at this juncture, for brevity's sake only a few pertinent themes are mentioned.
Within biocultural heritage, our next thematic framework, significant importance is place on memory.concurrently, islands are conceived as symbols of the past (Robinson et al., 2012).through the threads of memory that islands represent, islands may be perceived as locations where a true identity of the nation lingers (Ferriter, 2018) and offer an image of an enduring past.added to these social constructs, islands (and mountains; see Moss, 2006) often represent distinctive cultures that are combined with a history of resourcefulness in terms of problem solving (parish, 2001;Robinson et al., 2012, 20:2).islandness is understood as a 'metaphysical sensation that arises from physical isolation,' (conkling 2007(conkling , in Foley, 2017) ) creating a site for the coalescence of these attributes.
in the context of Knoydart it is noteworthy that both memory and interpretation of the past are pivotal, as will be discussed.in the history of european culture, the symbolism of the sea and journeys therein have formed a central, enduring metaphor for life and our passage in this world (Blumenberg, 1997) beyond local symbolism.Metaphorically the sea is framed as an agent of separation and equally interconnectivity, a theme which is revisited in the conclusions of this case study.

Biocultural heritage
Biocultural heritage proved crucial for understanding residents' ideas about what Rt entails. in the case study the socio-political and cultural history of Knoydart shapes participants' beliefs and actions.likewise participants are equally influenced by their understanding of the land, its flora and fauna, the weather (climate change) and geology, in the past and today.taken together participants' understanding of the biocultural heritage of the location stimulates their response to visitors and understandings of Rt. in this case study biocultural heritage is interpreted as intersecting various disciplines including, yet not limited to, anthropology, ecology, community-based conservation, cultural landscapes, heritage and land management and recognizing the importance of the intangible and non-material (lindholm & ekblom, 2019).
Biocultural heritage comprises local ecological knowledge and practices, and associated ecosystems and biological resources (from genetic variation and species biodiversity), to the formation of landscape features and cultural landscapes, as well as the heritage, memory and living practices of the humanly built or managed environments.(lindholm & ekblom, 2019, 2) the emphasis placed on memory, in the quotation above, proved particularly relevant and rich in Knoydart.
Rt can be designed with knowledge informed by biocultural heritage and entwined with rural regeneration strategies.as an example, in italy Bindi et al. (2022) present biocultural heritage as part of sustainable development solutions, within a discourse exploring forms of sustainability 'in terms of their entanglements with biocultural heritage and socio-cultural innovations, '(2022, 3).here, the focus is equally on inclusive innovations, therefore while looking back to the past, collaborating with people who have lived generations in one place, these Rt projects try to halt outmigration and attract young people to create businesses or social enterprise based on adapting traditional practices and historic knowledge.the processes of regeneration Bindi et al. (2022) discuss have diversified aims, combining sustainable tourism with regeneration projects for local inhabitants, representing 'a form of diversification and multifunctionality of economy and productive activities,' (Bindi et al., 2022, 3). in a similar context, cannarella and piccioni (2011) explore 'traditovations' for biocultural sustainability in central italy.
Biocultural discourses in western europe are framed by a rural policy vision which shifted in perspective from 'country sides of production, to country sides of consumption' (slee 2005:255) causing industrial agricultural to lose its predominance before the ascendency of visitor (urbanite) economy, commodifying the rural for health and leisure practices, within what is called post-productivism.Mountains and areas of natural constraint (scottish islands) in europe were particularly influenced by post-productivism as ' …the dominant policy and governance framing which developed especially in europe from the 1980s until 2007…' (Marsden & Farioli, 2015, 333).post-productivism in rural policy during the 2000s developed into 'multifunctionality' as mentioned in the paragraph above.this signifies diversification beyond farming products (almstedt, 2013;Brouder et al., 2015) adding on multifaceted businesses, frequently creating products and services for visitors.in the highlands, including Knoydart, this often represents a return to traditional and historic practices generally combined with tourism (scottish crofting Federation, 2017).From this perspective, multifunctionality in rural policy indirectly laid a ground for biocultural heritage to be attractive as a base for innovation of traditional practices, whether directed toward social projects or visitors.
Within these systems of representations or discourses, the cultural landscape is a main protagonist.uNescO (2012) defines a cultural landscape as 'combined works of nature and humankind, they express a long and intimate relationship between peoples and their natural environment' 1 and comprehending landscape as cultural stimulates a more integrated understanding of the so-called nature and culture dichotomy.Biocultural heritage research offers evidence of profound correlations between understanding landscape as cultural and sustainability (poole, 2018;Welstead, 2015).a foundational factor in the synergy between sustainability and biocultural heritage is the acknowledgement that nature is a cultural landscape and furthermore, the creation of the idea of wilderness leads to the erasure of previous inhabitants and their own understandings of themselves and their environment (Bard, hutson and plummer 2020).land is perceived as wilderness when the culture and livelihoods of previous peoples are deemed so irrelevant they can be utterly eradicated.the frequent use of 'wilderness' as a marketing tool in northern scotland is in juxtaposition with the cultures who previously dwelt in these places, including the former crofting communities.in this setting, selling escapes to visitors as 'pure nature' alienates visitors from understanding the colonial histories of the highlands (MacKinnon & Mackillop, 2020) restricts any quotidian responsibility and less commodified relationships.
Biocultural heritage also intersects with multispecies ethics (haraway, 2015; Van Dooren, 2019; Weber, 2020) with the acknowledgement of plural worlds, different forms of agency, human pre-eminence and different modes of meaning that create a common space for humans and our partially shared worlds with the more-thanhuman.Van Dooren (2019) concept of biocultural 'inheritance' (2019:78) is fruitful for relationships of reciprocity.this large topic may be summarized as a sensitivity to the historical character of the 'entanglements' between people and more-than-human worlds, where we inherit our cultural past regarding language, achievements and practices and in so doing, an embodied sense of place is 'grounded in rich patterns of biocultural inheritance' (Van Dooren, 2019, 77).For Van Dooren ( 2019) what we consider nature is also culture: Who we are as individuals, as cultures, as species, is in large part a product of generations of co-becoming in which we are woven through with traces of all of our multispecies ancestors.(Van Dooren, 2019, 78) to these themes we return in the conclusion.

Study area
the research took place on Knoydart, a community owned location in Northwest highlands, on one of the most northern sections of mainland uK, facing the North atlantic, with a latitude of 57° 2′ 25.8576 and longitude of −5° 41′ 51.99.
the rationale for this choice of location was based upon Knoydart being one of the first community buyouts (March 1999) in the highlands and perceived as an area of outstanding natural beauty, sought-after by visitors, with approximately 33,000 visitors per year before the cOViD pandemic (KF2022).the Knoydart Foundation (KF) manages the community land and is a company which is a 'partnership of local residents and the highland council, chris Brasher trust and the John Muir trust' limited by guarantee with charitable status,' (communitylandscotland 2022:00).
Knoydart is distinctive for having no road access and being reached by ferry or by foot (which involves a multiday hike).the community owned land is located between loch hourn and loch Nevis and totals 17,500 acres.as well as being off the grid for water, sewage and electricity all provided by the community, a large number of projects and substantial work has taken place since the buyout in 1999.possibly, the scope and the diversity of the projects at Knoydart are of particular note within the context of community owned lands.Discussing community engagement at Knoydart in comparison to other community owned lands in the highlands, a participant pointed out that probably more varied and extensive work has been done by the community at Knoydart.Whereas other communities may specialize in one or two foci, at Knoydart the community has engaged in 'housing, tree planting, biodiversity regeneration, deer management, renewables, visitor accommodation, shop, butchery, bike hire, tours, events, community hall, and now the pub, as well as visitor services under community control,' (p2022).
approximately 110 people live permanently in Knoydart, with thirty to thirty-five of those based outside of the sole village of inverie.the rationale for selecting Knoydart as study area is enhanced by the active community already engaged in managing tourism.the Knoydart Foundation also has its own Ranger service, which is set to expand to include two people and more during the summer (KF 2022) and the Foundation collaborates with scientists and researchers for climate change in what is locally entitled 'climate change conversations' .the proclivity for environmental management, engagement in tourism and the iconic North highland landscape which acts as a magnet for visitors, make Knoydart 2 an ideal case study.

Research methodology and methods
the case study takes a phenomenological theoretical foundation as its basis and while phenomenology is not a methodology, it can suggest methodological choices (Johnson, 2001;telford, 2019) and aspects of phenomenological philosophy, such as existentialism are frequently applied to tourism phenomenon (cohen, 1997;Kirillova et al., 2016;Reisinger & steiner, 2006;shepherd, 2015).clearly, this approach intends embodied experiences in the environments where they occur (Ram and houston, 2015) and the author approaches this case study with a background in phenomenological anthropology.Multiple visits and stays in the case study location created a reflective and shared context for understanding the participants' lived experiences.Within the case study, experiences are inseparable from interpretation and grounded in all that has come before (heidegger, 1962, 41), an approach that indirectly stimulates a sensitivity to biocultural heritage.
positioning phenomenology as an attempt to understand consciousness and therein explore how understanding itself is possible (hoy, 2006, 178) dovetails with the research aim of comprehending how participants are conscious of and embody (or do not embody) the natural environment they live in, including connected meanings and conflicting values they may indirectly attach to this.considering knowledge itself is a social construct (houston, 2015), then phenomenology has an important role in questioning the basis of our consciousness; to question that which is ignored (heidegger, 1962), thereby 'challenging presuppositions in a new light,' (Mangion, 2011, 246).hence, instead of focusing directly on interpreting Rt, due to the researcher's interest in human engagements with the environment, the case study explores relationships with nature which might not otherwise have been placed in the foreground, encompassing the values, ethics, practices and emotions entangled within these relationships, as a precursor to understanding Rt. in heideggerian phenomenology the hidden aspects of life call for evocation and interpretation, in other words 'letting the ordinary unseen dimensions of what is seen be seen.' and in this sense phenomenology is not an 'observational description' (carmen, 2006, 101) as is the approach taken in this case study.
Working physically in the feminist context of 'homework' as opposed to fieldwork (aggarwal, 2000;Okely, 2012, 12), thereby working within a familiar culture, rather than searching out the foreign and its colonial anthropological interrelations (herzfeld, 2001), one may share similar values and be part of the same community as the participants.the people with whom one interacts are not allocated the roles of 'informant' , or 'subject' and the tension within researcher vs friend is welcomed and explored (Whitaker, 2011, 62). the significance of interpreting intersubjectivity in anthropology is intensified when delving into different understandings of realities within a group who are part of the same culture, sharing emotional and bodily experience, alongside the researcher. in this instance the researcher was not personal friends with the participants but shares a similar socio-cultural background and is living within rural northwest highlands.as a bounded case study, it is not intended that Knoydart represent the huge heterogeneity of community-owned land in the highlands.the methodological aim of this type of case study is not a search for typicality, nor to offer a model to replicate elsewhere (Mitchell, 2006).For heidegger and husserl, the task of phenomenology is not to create explanations and packaged accounts or rationalizations.as heidegger writes 'the meaning of phenomenological description as a method is interpretation,' (heidegger, 1962: 61).likewise, the case study is an interpretation and is not designed to offer a 'result' that can be replicated.instead, the aim is ultimately to act as an introduction or to stimulate conceptual discussion for people in similar settings to form questions within their own context.
the fieldwork included six stays in the case study area and interviews/talking points which drew upon aspects of phenomenological interviewing techniques (Guerrero-castaneda et al., 2017).this style of interviewing intends the interviewee leads with chosen talking points, rather than interview questions.participants were given four talking points in advance and they were asked to change, add, or substitute the talking points in light of their own interests.as an example, the first talking point was as follows: • Is there a special part of the natural environment here that gives you strength, well-being or important feelings?(it could be a tree, a hill, a plant species) the overarching goal of the talking points was to begin to understand the person's relationship to the natural environment and in accordance with that, how or if these unique natural locations could be shared, if the aim were at all to share.concurrently the researcher spent several weeks at Knoydart at various time of the year participating in community-based learning with small groups of students and met case study participants again informally, as part of the community.in sum, the researcher had participated in a variety of things within the community over time, including tree planting on a resident's croft, foraging, meeting people in the tea room, community centre events, etc.
the sample group was self-selected because it was difficult to elicit participation.this situation was stimulated by practical factors such as time constraints with elections for new board members for the Knoydart Foundation, and also due to aspects of 'islandness' and a need for privacy, as previously discussed.eight participants engaged with the 'talking points' and six of them share characteristics of participating in a community role or participating in a community project.two participants were in their natal abode.Five participants were under the age of 50, with the average age being 43.all are permanent residents.participants were asked to give feedback to evaluate and verify the researcher's interpretation of their narratives.thus, participants who choose to interpret the case study emailed their comments to the author.the talking points were not recorded as the gatekeeper told the author that residents preferred notes taken by hand (and might decline to participate otherwise).after transcription, inductive in vivo coding was done to reveal first and second order codes, leading to schemas (Bernard, 2006, 481). in this case study, schemas are interpreted as representing a cultural frame for behaviour, or shared values.the schemas evolved from considering values pertaining to social structures, discursive structures of psychological values and behavioural patterns (see Figure 1).Returning to a heideggerian phenomenological perception, the schema were further analysed as regards their history and entanglements between people and land as well as socio-cultural values, focusing on what is omitted, as well as what is to hand.simultaneously, sensitivity was given to an awareness that interpretation is not only: …the slow exposure of the hidden meaning in an origin… but may also be …the violent or surreptitious appropriation of a system of rules which in itself has no essential meaning, in order to impose a direction, to bend it to a new will, to force its participation in a different game, and to subject it to secondary rules… (Foucault, 2020, 86) in the final writing up, my use of a model for a biocultural conceptual framework (lindholm & ekblom, 2019, 3) was carefully evaluated as regards the 'participation in a different game'/system of rules.
all participant names were anonymized and attention was given to removing, as much as possible, details of conversation that might specifically individuate participants within the context of a very small rural community and (this section BliNDeD).

Results and discussion
Firstly, we investigate networks of thought revealed by the thematic coding, and how they form the higher order codes.then the interrelationships between the higher order codes and processes are analysed in conjunction with the social schema.Finally, this is placed within a model for understanding biocultural heritage.
the talking points produced rich material with many detailed comments, entwining around several higher order themes (see Figure 2).For all but one person, when residents spoke of their special environment it was: woods of various types and the seashore; or specific rocks near water.Only one individual dwelt upon the glens and no one mentioned mountains.the actions people participated in within their special environment were generally walking or running, gathering shells, and in two cases sitting and listening which were perceived as stimulating well-being.all commented on having developed powers of observation by studying the environment.Four of the eight participants spoke of details such as water drops on tree leaves, or the movement of grasses in the wind and perceptions of these details in nature were interpreted as stimulating well-being.additionally, their well-being theme has the particular features of 'solitude' and 'aloneness' .Well-being is 'grounded' in large 'open space' , with tranquillity.'it's a place i go for tranquillity, for the solitude, the escape,' (a2021).another spoke of the location with the sea being a 'safe boundary between us and what's going on in the world.it's a safety buffer from the outer world and chaos' (p2021).
participants choose to speak about how they are influenced by the history of the place; the crofting communities, the clearances, the ruins of former homes, history of poor land management, etc.For some, this past assists feelings of grounded wellbeing because participants feel for those who lived in Knoydart before them.
it makes one feel small.insignificant. it helps to put my worries into perspective.there (on the hillside), i feel how many humans there were before me.i feel part of the eco-system.(h 2022) it's unlikely that we ever experience a new feeling.there is always someone who has had the same emotions…' and 'it's the shared feeling of a place over time.the black house ruins in Knoydart give a similar feeling.i am not romanticizing; i understand they had hard lives.i relate to people before the clearances because i believe they loved living here, having a home here.it is significant for me because i live here too.it's beautiful.and i live here for the community.(F2020) in different forms the past frequently prompts custodianship, since the connectivity of people with place includes the history of 'degradation' and therefore a need for custodianship today.
… or going through an old village ruin, it makes you connect to the past, makes one feel a drive to make things a bit better.there is a sense of the past of the land, as being imbued with more than beauty.underlying the contentedness, it is not always positive, when seen in terms of landscape degradation.i like an open, or austere landscape but i get frustrated with a projection of landscape as almost like a picture.i love views but i tend to see both sides, in that i see what is in front of me, and i see what it could be, and what it was in the past…(e2021) this central theme of the past and custodianship leads us to an understanding of cultural landscape, to which we return… a distinctive network of thoughts across participants, bar one, was a bodily sense of integration with nature.One participant spoke very movingly (for reasons that will not be disclosed) about intensely physically identifying with oak trees growing in a windswept area: it is very special.particularly the oak woods.the trees are not very big but i have a strong personal connection to them.they are very misshapen.in this area, the whole area is very special; i walk and i observe.(B2021) another describes: i go for a run on the beach -then i stop and hear my heart, my heartbeat goes together with the sound of the waves.i'm filling my lungs with invisible food.(p2021) talking about sitting on a rock that makes a participant feel very special, the rock is 'a part of me, ' and 'it is such a special place.it gets under your skin' (a2021).physical feelings of integration with the environment take different forms with varying importance for each person.Within this physical integration, participants understand people as part of nature and the land: they (special spots) deserve to be allowed to keep true to their natural environment -but part of it is human action.in the past human action was hugely negative on this environment.at present lots of (our) human actions are very positive.We have to allow these places to exist for themselves.i feel quite strongly that the landscape needs more humans in lots of respects.humans need to utilise the landscape for benefits and not destroy it for benefits.in the last two hundred years human usage has provoked degradation from sheep and deer.i think there should be livestock obviously.it is about how the livestock are managed.(e2021) Feeling physically a part of nature and the environment stimulates belief that humans are sensitive to the land: some parts (of the special location) have been overburdened by humans in the past but it's the whole experience.it is part of everything.the family that keep animals there, sheep and cattle, that is all part of it.the human impact (now) is gentle.(B2021) For some participants, feelings of integration with the land/nature, create thoughts of Knoydart as a place for others to share: We are part of the landscape.We are an enhanced mammal and we advanced faster than other mammals.We have to be part of the landscape.Knoydart has a societal role.(p2021) While there were considerable expressions of humans and nature integrated, it is interesting to observe how three participants talk about livestock integrated within the location they choose to discuss, and others mentioned walking a dog, yet only one person commented on a non-domestic animal.
During lockdown i walked a lot in the woods and you hear a woodpecker.it's really nice.it's like nature continues, nature continues… i like the woodpeckers.(G2022) in a place famous for its wildlife this was the only non-domestic animal mentioned.One participant spoke of foraging for berries, yet apart from one mention of the attractiveness of grass in the wind, smaller plants do not feature in the talking points.trees were a focal point.possibly due to constraints imposed by the climate there was only one mention of a tactile experience.No one spoke of smell, nor taste, nor positions other than standing or setting; no lying on the ground, nor climbing trees, etc. a smaller network of narratives wove around caring for the place and distress caused by visitors who have a ruinous impact on a 'fragile' environment.Destructive visitor behaviour understandably creates anxiety and sadness, or even pain (a2021).Generally, the level of visitation is expressed as being low, or at least manageable: talking about the spot they choose to focus on: … it's our most beautiful spot.i want it to be shared.i tell visitors about it but Knoydart decided not to make any printed material about it, so we don't advertise it.i am happy to share it but i don't want to share it in a big way.there's not a lot of people here, so it's ok to share.(G2022) Overall, the most significant theme discussed most frequently and with enthusiasm is sharing with visitors because 'it's only natural to share,'(B2021).a presumptive and spontaneous support for generosity and sharing was a key theme in the talking points.here only a few exemplars are chosen.
sharing is vital.there are two overarching factors impacting people, making them feel stressed and under pressure.One is people don't get the privilege of interacting with nature and that makes suffering.the other is the biodiversity crisis.these two things are a massive need for people.sharing is how Knoydart can help society.(p 2021) it's important to share with our visitors if they want to learn what's happening here.We need to share the well-being of the woods and have an equilibrium between visitors and place.they don't always respect the place or look after it as one would like them to.Going away and coming back here again i feel i have put down roots.it's really the people and the place together, that combination, is what makes it special here.(e2021) themes that most frequently repeated, merged into the higher order themes.as seen in the figure below these are interpretations of the past that connect to (1) custodianship, to (2) sharing, and to (3) well-being including happiness.
as the 'higher order themes' shapeshift into the 'processes' , we can observe how narratives around 'Sharing' facilitate a central role.
the process and narratives of 'Balancing' (top/middle) represent a fragile equilibrium balancing between the discussed values of custodianship and visitation hanging precariously together.Visitors are understood as necessary (a theme we return to) yet may be viewed with apprehension due to resulting environmental damage.the unanimous desire to engage in sharing processes with visitors-the 'presumptive stance of Generosity' -softens anxiety or apprehension.it 'ameliorates' and inspires emotional buoyancy, stimulating a feeling/ sensation that equilibrium will be possible.sharing processes combine and reinforce each other.
the processes of 'Integration' (bottom/centre) arise from narratives and perceptions of people as part of the environment.perceiving the generosity of the natural environment, giving abundantly to humans stimulates a desire to share.therein participants care and share in return.coupled with the 'presumptive stance of Generosity' participants are motivated to share the environment with an 'egalitarianism' (h2022).participants expressed how humans are part of nature and represent an example of uNescO definition of a cultural landscape as 'combined works of nature and humankind, they express a long and intimate relationship between peoples and their natural environment ' . 3 participants' sensibility to Knoydart as cultural landscape is particularly noteworthy in a highland context, given that the notion of wilderness must come 'with acknowledgment that nature and wilderness are contested cultural constructs (cronon, 1996;Fox, 2000;Nash, 1982) with associated violent histories of colonization of indigenous people,' (Baird et al., 2020, 369).
turning to the schema now (starting bottom left), Highlands as Cultural Landscape, the understanding of Knoydart as a cultural landscape where people are integrated with nature is a valuable for opening important discussions regarding social equity, colonization in the past, as well as embodying an attitude that goes toward reducing the nature and the culture divide; a fraught dichotomy at the foundation of Western thinking (Malafouris, 2013).
the schema of 'Ownership Behaviour' (top left), includes the lived experience of history/the past and the attempts to address poor and unequal landownership.this creates positive processes resulting in participants being deeply involved in custodianship with a presumptive stance of generosity.the need to address impacts of the past (be it positive and/or tragic visions of former crofters, or degradation of land due to estate owners) were a predominant force within the voices of participants.Responsible tourism, thereby desire to engage with visitors in custodianship, arises from addressing processes in the past, rendering it veritable.
Finally, the schema of 'Dynamic Social Change' is exemplified in various degrees of intensity by all but one participant.Within our climate emergency, Knoydart is believed to have a dynamic role to help society become more sustainable and to educate.participants feel very responsible to care and to share with visitors to create environmental change.there is an understanding that all people in any number are welcome.this is a presumptive generosity without bounds: imagine if coming here were compulsory, to experience nature, like military service -i mean, i don't want it to be compulsory but if everyone had to experience nature at Knoydart… Would the impact be too much?Would it be a mess with all these people?it's like potty training; it takes time but in the end the child learns.We all learn.We knew we wouldn't put bins on the beach.it would be a mess.We say if you can bring it here you can bring it away.Ninety-nine percent take their rubbish away with them.We have to educate.(p2021) Given how 'presumptive stance of Generosity' is a facilitating apex, deeper investigation of its origins is merited.Without living and understanding that we are the 'product of generations of co-becoming in which we are woven through with traces of all of our multispecies ancestors,'(Van Dooren, 2019, 78) a cultural landscape, or biocultural inheritance are empty ideas-rather than experiences to share with others.as previously mentioned, the emphasis biocultural heritage places upon memory, is highly applicable to Knoydart.if we redesign the outer rim of the biocultural heritage diagram below (lindholm & ekblom, 2019, 3), removing the words 'Biocultural heritage' , replacing them with 'presumptive stance of Generosity', we gain a synergistic analysis of the 'presumptive stance of Generosity' .
it is particularly representative of the case study for the outer rim to rest upon 'stewardship and change' .
in the theoretical framework we saw how islandness is often perceived to connect with the past and how it encourages a physical embodiment which integrates people with place (Vannini & taggart, 2012).possibly the 'island effect' (halliday et al., 2022, 100098), the aspects that benefit mental health is the underlying facilitator of all the schema.however, from a larger perspective, not everyone will have this combination of factors enabling one to engage with an embodied inheritance of place, with embodied daily knowledge of the land and its abundance, in order to be prompted toward such presumptive generosity.(are these the people who did not participate in the research, nor community activities?)Beyond the case study, there may be a potential danger academically within cultural landscape and biocultural inheritance to present an enclave mentality, since cultural landscape and biocultural heritage may only function fully for people who identify with the history.hence, only the people who are integrated within the dominant culture's accepted history.those who are part of other histories or marginalized would have difficulty integrating.this is ironic in the context of 'islandness' which is understood as fluid and open to different behaviours and types of people beyond our conventional ideas (Vannini & taggart, 2012, 238) open to migration, transnationalism and the connectivity of the sea (horden & purcell, 2000).considering the sea as a metaphor for life, it is interesting that the few participants who spoke of the sea tend to perceive it as protection, or a separateness, similar to Robinson et al. (2012, 20.5), not as interconnectivity.(Lindholm & ekblom, 2019, 3).
as the case study was written up, participants were asked to comment upon it.unfortunately, only two people choose to participate in this process.One participant commented on the descriptions and analysis being 'an accurate interpretation' and the other found it 'stimulating' .Four others commented generally on the processes of participating as prompting very useful self-reflection but did not wish to read the case study.hence, discussion of these narratives is most preliminary, and is intended to inspire further research of community-owned lands, combining the disciplines of tourism, islandness and biocultural heritage.

Conclusions
Returning to the initial impetus for this case study, desiring to explore what responsible tourism might embody, as well as possibly new, cOViD driven importance for well-being and eco-centricity… in sum the findings did not illustrate focused eco-centricity.While integrated, and highly connected to the natural-cultural environment, participants were anthropocentric in their interpretations.Nor did fraught contestations regarding sharing well-being and custodianship arise, although there was some apprehension regarding negative visitor behaviour.
however, the case study did uncover relationships between humans and place within cultural landscape and biocultural heritage that inspire a revisioning of responsible tourism.Frequently tourism projects turn to the present (needs) and future (goals).embodiment of an historic and more-than-human past is not factored in, unless marketed as a heritage product.this case study suggests responsible tourism's lacuna of ethical and philosophical structures, could be ameliorated, if not partially resolved, by applying the broad theoretical framework of biocultural heritage.
as the 'Results and Discussion' section highlighted, a distinctive feature in the case study is the integration of culture and nature, particularly since this understanding is set within a location presented to tourists as 'wilderness' and sometimes even 'Britain's last wilderness' (Guardian 2013) 4 .participants' awareness of inhabiting and caring for a cultural landscape forms part of a key motivational factor inspiring sustainable behaviours. in Knoydart, this awareness is sufficiently empowering to fully compensate for weaknesses within the actualization of responsible tourism.
even though the case study is small it demonstrates poignant lessons for real, lived, responsible tourism.through a cultural awareness of land with lived knowledge felt for the history of land, the community buyout and community endeavours thereafter, taken altogether this has rendered participants to feel deeply responsible for sharing and caring.these unique factors could not be found in an 'average' village in Britain, yet they demonstrate the importance of the role of addressing misdeeds of the past, therein laying foundations for integrated biocultural responsible tourism.
We cannot create responsible tourism by relying on altruistic impulses of individuals, particularly during recession.this is no strategy.if responsible tourism involves shifting the focus onto individuals and community groups (Nikhildas & Jagadeesan, 2021, 1935) then these individuals require empowerment with opportunities offering time and education to engage with biocultural heritage processes, otherwise we face another greenwashed version of our neoliberal model.Doubtless a larger study including other community owned lands, would teach us more about a tourism that is so responsible, in an embodied sense in the case of Knoydart, that it does not need to use that nomenclature.indeed, can we use the term responsible tourism when the definition should change monthly in relation to climate crisis and world events?Might the most responsible tourism be that of 'the real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new landscapes but in having new eyes, ' (proust 2003-27, in Mackenzie & Goodnow, 2021, 67). the findings of this case study suggest we are at a point where we might desist with sustainable terminology.instead, learning from Knoydart, we could concern ourselves with our lived values, likewise digging deep into the historic foundations and weaknesses of our societies.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. The conceptual framework of biocultural heritage as defined by the authors.The figure illustrates how biocultural heritage is constituted on five linked elements: (a) ecosystem memories, (b) Landscape memories, (c) place-based memories, (d) integrated landscape analysis and (e) stewardship and change.The integrative conceptual framework of biocultural heritage allows new approaches to heritage, conservation, landscape planning and development goals. in addition, the concept of biocultural heritage provide means to negotiate management goals in these areas and in certain cases to combine them(Lindholm & ekblom, 2019, 3).