The myth of home exhibition 1915: implications of the home exhibition in Gyeongseong during the Japanese colonial period

ABSTRACT This study intends to historically examine the modern residential discourses of Joseon emerging in the 1910s through the Home Exhibition 1915 held in Colonial Joseon, and to critically explore the meanings of the home exhibition through a visual analysis of print publications discussing the exhibition content. In examining and exploring the home exhibition, this study found that imperial Japan secured the justification for its colonization of Joseon through the purported superiority of its “civilization”, and its attempts to improve Joseon homes were from the perspective of Japanese Orientalism. The so-called Colonial Policy of subjecting to Japan, which underlies the imperialistic state system, was the hidden factor driving the improvement mechanism encouraging the progression from sound home to sound society and to sound state. Therefore, the home exhibition held in 1915 represents a concrete representation of Japanese Orientalism. By publicizing this concrete representation in newspapers and magazines, Japan’s strategy of colonial cultural rule allowed for the Joseon public to be incorporated into the mechanism of Japanese Imperialism without feeling an aversion to it, and this strategy was expansively reproduced throughout Colonial Joseon. GRAPHICAL ABSTRACT


Research background and purpose
In the 1910s, Japan stressed "the theory of Japan-Joseon harmonization", the basic idea of which was to force Joseon to civilize under Japan's "imperial instructions on universal benevolence" and then to keep the peace between them. 1 To this end, Japan claimed that the two nations had a close relationship, based on "the theory of common ancestry of Japanese and Koreans", while simultaneously seeking to justify its colonial rule of Joseon and asserting the "theory of civilization and enlightenment". Japan used these theories to push its colonial assimilation policy (Seo 2009, 22). From the Korean Enlightenment Period (1876 ~ 1910) onwards, a group of intellectuals who accepted a theory of civilization or modernization formed within the colonial Joseon society. The Japanese Government General of Korea had taken advantage of exhibitions as a way to make all people of Joseon -in addition to those intellectuals -feel deeply attached to so-called modern physical products, rather than making them aware of the Japanese Government's political plans (Wednesday History Research Society 2003, 96).
Maeil Shinbo, the official organ of the Japanese Government General of Korea, reported on 11 August 1915, that Home Exhibition 1915 aimed to help visitors refresh their awareness of the homes of the people of Joseon, and to make them experience, with their own eyes, practical models for the improvement of living conditions, rather than merely being made aware of relevant theories. This home exhibition not only showcased household goods, but it also organized displays of various rooms and scenes of an ideal home, including scenes of raising children and serving parents, along with life-size models. The home exhibition including these life-size models was presented to the public in the form of technical images such as photos which were expansively reproduced through newspapers and magazines.
However, the remaining archival records of Home Exhibition 1915 have been delivered to today's readers through specific and limited media, along with information such as the photos and articles printed in Gyeongseong Ilbo, Maeil Shinbo, and several magazines ( Figure 1 and Figure 2). Admittedly, this provides a very limited view of the home. Notwithstanding, it is meaningful to examine the characteristics of modern residential discourses through the lens of Home Exhibition 1915, because this home exhibition was a milestone that changed the residential lifestyle of the people of Joseon at the time, and which has continued to influence the residential lifestyle of modern Koreans. Since the 1915 exhibition, home exhibitions have been used in strategic planning for political propaganda about housing, the commercialization of housing, and the desire for space as a consumption behavior. Although these home exhibitions have differed in the degree to which they have focused on political propaganda through housing, the commercialization of housing, and the consumption desire for space, they still exist in the present, and it appears they will continue to exist in the future. However, through this historical process, the essence of the home has been distorted or diluted.
With this background, this study intends to examine the modern residential discourses that were adopted through the influences of civilization and the west and Japan, and Home Exhibition 1915 -which was originally organized by a Japanese newspaper company -in particular, and to investigate the traditional images, texts, and technical images that were published at the  time in several newspapers and magazines for the purpose of influencing the discourse. By detailing the frame, purpose, and method of the home exhibition, this study attempts to disclose the origin and nature of home exhibitions during the Korean modernization period. To investigate the relationship between Home Exhibition 1915 and modern residential discourses, this study mainly focuses on the characteristics, viewpoints, and meanings of the home exhibition. The timespan of this study is from the late nineteenth century to the 1920s, centering around two historical turning points (i.e., Japan's forced annexation of Korea in 1910 and the March First independence movement of 1919). Based on these two historical turning points, this study intends to examine different views on Japanese imperial modern residential discourses that were conceived in the shifting period from Japanese military rule to cultural rule; this is done by reviewing various texts and technical images that have been drawn directly or indirectly from the home exhibition.

Research method and system
The methodologies employed in this study are an extensive literature review on Home Exhibition 1915 and its modern residential discourses, and a two-step critical analysis for its corresponding images and texts printed in the 1910s (Table 1). The literature review utilizes texts, photos, and images that advertised the home exhibition which were published at that time in Maeil Shinbo, Gyeongseong Ilbo, and other magazines. The first analysis is an examination based on the view at the time of the home exhibition's content and meaning residing in different texts. The second analysis is a way of thematically organizing and interpreting the visual cues presented in traditional and technical images in print media.
Also note that the character and meaning of residential discourses should be differentially interpreted and understood in line with the situation of the time, even though they are the same otherwise, as doing so can lead to a multi-layered understanding of historical ideas. In this way, this

Commercialization of Domestic Life
Note that people typically interpret events in different ways. This is why the meanings attached to single events have been differentially determined according to the historical and cultural context. Therefore, this study organizes and interprets different meanings that may be involved in modern residential discourses by visually analyzing the images displayed and represented in Home Exhibition 1915. It also analyzes the inherent meanings generated by the home exhibition through the method of conceptual history by examining the printed texts of newspapers and other media, while taking a contemporary view that is consistent with the residential discourses of the 1910s. These analysis methods help us understand the differences and investigate the multi-layered formation of historical meaning by investigating the process through which the residential discourses of each era have been formed. study intends to examine residential discourses while dividing the periods of time before and after Home Exhibition 1915 into several subperiods, such as the period before Japan's forced annexation of Korea, the period from Japan's forced annexation of Korea to the exhibition, and the period of Japan's cultural rule after the home exhibition and the 3.1 Independence Movement. This study analyzes the texts and images that were prominent in the home exhibition along with the changes in residential discourses, and it thus attempts to reveal the symbol of the discourses inherent in and emerging after the home exhibition. By actively employing these methods, the study aims to explore how the complexity and dynamism connoted by Joseon's residential discourses before and after the 1910s have been accepted and represented by the single transition point of Home Exhibition 1915.

Literature review
Most of the existing studies examining modern residential discourses have focused on the time when the social activities of the people of Joseon were expanded; i.e., during the period of Japan's cultural rule after the 1920s. For example, A Sourcebook on Residential Culture (2010) primarily focused on written materials published after the 1920s rather than materials published before and after the 1910s. However, that book is not particularly relevant to this present research. Its details dealt in part with the 1910s, but only through peripheral references to the period.
The previous studies mainly focused on macroscopic examinations of the residential discourses or senses of housing while concentrating on microscopic examinations of the home exhibitions. These studies fragmentarily explored the relationship between modern residential discourses and the home exhibition of 1915, and they did not clearly define their historical context (Table 2). Therefore, this study intends to shed light on the meaning of the home exhibition in the historical context through an analysis of the texts and images of the home exhibition that were published in different print media at the time, and to thereby capture the mythical representation of the home exhibition of 1915 and the residential discourses of the 1910s. This study also differs from the previous studies in that it classifies modern residential discourses based on two historical turning points (i.e., Japan's forced annexation of Korea in 1910 and the March First independence movement of 1919), and in that it reconsiders the status of the home exhibition as a major event situated in between these two points.

Modern residential discourses in the 1910s and the 1920s
In his oeuvre, Michael Foucault adopted a critical term, discourse, which refers to the discussions that not only reflect but also lead and produce the consciousness of an era. 2 From the point of view of Foucauldian discourse, Korean modern residential discourses in the 1910s also produced and led the consciousness of the decade. Examining changes in these discourses allows us to capture the production process and its mechanism of the new Korean residential consciousness at the time. The period of Korean enlightenment and the period of Japanese colonial rule were times when the old Korean cultural traditions were enforced to experience radical changes and tortures, and as a result, a lot of folk traditions were disjointed and deformed, resulting in the disconnection and distortion of their transmission. In this multi-layered structure, exploring the meaning of Home Exhibition 1915which again, was held between Japan's Forced Annexation of Korea in 1910 and the 3.1 Independence Movement in 1919 -forms the basis for discovering the difference between Korean residential discourses before and after the home exhibition as well as understanding the background to the change of the 1920s' residential discourses. After the opening of trade ports in the late Joseon Dynasty, the concept of traditional individual health care was developed into that of national hygiene, centered around the intellectuals of the Gaehwapa (Enlightenment of Party). This was recognized as a sine qua non for the formation of a modern state. At that time, the late Joseon Dynasty also utilized the concept of "hygiene" in its logic of ruling at the state level. At the root of this change is a logic of state domination which attempted to expand the concept of hygiene beyond the individual to the housing, city, and state levels, and to respond to the current sociocultural situation of the time. Further, the intellectuals of the Gaehwapa began to more concretely discuss the concept of hygiene. 3 They defined traditional housing to be unhygienic and obsolete and presented modern housing as being hygienic and up to date. The latter was expressed through hygienic discourses in various fields, such as residential location, structure, material, equipment, and window.
The residential discourses of the 1910s were diversely spread across the areas of personal and public hygiene based on the meta-discourse on "hygiene". There began to be discussions about the ways individuals could maintain healthy bodies as well as personal cleanliness, along with discussions reconsidering the premodern ways of living. However, several discussions in the residential discourses of the 1910s withered away due to the Japanese Military Rule and the discrimination that occurred in colonial Joseon. This unhygienic housing issue had been regarded as a problem that needed to be solved to form a modern state system, and it was used as a ground for criticizing the residential life and system of Joseon, such as in comparing uncivilized Joseon to civilized Japan after Japan's forced annexation of Korea. The modern residential discourses in the 1910s shifted from residential discourses at the state level which had emerged before Japan's forced annexation of Korea to residential discourses at a private level where Joseon residents and Japanese residents were differentiated and were thereby hierarchically asymmetrical, and the discourses were changed into non-subjective enlightenment discourses, while employing new media in conveying them, by others.
In accordance with some of the changes 4 occurring after the 3.1 Independence Movement, modern residential discourses had been naturally developed in "housing improvement theory", and those who produced these discourses expanded the realm of these discourses while emphasizing new modern subjects such as "modern woman", "housewife", and "child". This conversion regarding traditional housing did not merely focus on housing improvement, but also aimed for cultural conversions in all areas of life, including one's food, clothing, and shelter. From the 1920s onwards, due to the emergence of various media and independent discourse producers as well as the spread of western and Japanese residential discourses, the universal and historical modern residential discoursessuch as those involving the "structure", "function", "beauty", and "economical efficiency" of housing, along with "hygiene" -began to be issued. 5 There were concrete discussions on and practices for improved housing that differed from traditional housing in terms of formal and compositional systems. Joseon people began to recognize the civilization of modern residential discourses. These new issues were grafted onto housing improvement theory, and as a result the new concept of hygiene was reduced into one of the items to be considered in the planning and construction of housing.
In this context, it is important to re-establish the effects that the home exhibition -which was based on modern residential discourses reflecting the situation of the 1910s -had on historical changes in residential discourses. What does Home Exhibition 1915, which was held in Gyeongseong, mean in the context of the transition period of modern residential discourses?
The home exhibition of 1915 was a medium and inflection point bridging the residential discourses of the period between Japan's Forced Annexation of Korea in the 1910s and Japan's Cultural Rule in the 1920s. Through this home exhibition, the residential discourses of the time were moved from the national level to the private sector, and their producers also changed from specific intellectuals to public subjects with diverse occupations. Regarding the contents of the residential discourses, the home exhibition paved the way to establishing and implementing concrete residential plans based on universal-historical modern residential discourses such as structure, function, beauty, and economics rather than simply establishing ideological plans based on the existing discourse, which ultimately led to hygiene factors. However, behind the exhibition lies the model of the "modern home", which was designed to advance the interest of Japanese imperialism in colonial Joseon. This model, which was derived from an otherized Japanese orientalist gaze of old Korean housing, was part of the strategy of the Japanese colonial cultural rule to establish Joseon as a purportedly barbaric place, thus justifying Japanese intervention in the name of spreading civilization.

Home exhibition 1915
The home exhibition held in Gyeongseong in September of 1915 was nearly the same as the other home exhibition held in March of 1914 in Tokyo and the Life-improvement Exposition (Lee 2006, 60-61). The home exhibition of Tokyo displayed 26 entries related to the home: Two of the 26 entries were about the whole of the home while 24 of them were about specific parts of the home. What we verified from reference materials about the displayed entries of the home exhibition of Gyeongseong was that one of the two entries represented the whole of the home (i.e., a full-size model representing three rooms -a study, a living room, and a kitchen -of a middle-class home, submitted by professor Chuta Ito at the Tokyo Imperial University), and that seven of the 24 that showcased the parts of the home (i.e., seven full-size models showcasing seven rooms -a kitchen, a housewife's room, a children's room, a housemaid's room, a patient's room, a bathroom, and a laundry room -of the home). However, we still surmise that there were other displayed entries that did not appear in the reference materials (Kim 2004, 161).

The purpose and characteristics of home exhibition 1915
In the 1910s, under the Japanese colonial policy in Korea, Japan hosted the home exhibition, which was previously held in Ueno Park in Tokyo, to celebrate the 25 th anniversary of the foundation of Kokumin Shimbun (a pro-government media organization), which was again held in Gyeongseong under the supervision of Gyeongseong Ilbo and Maeil Shinbo, to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The Japanese home exhibition of 1914 was proposed with the goal of establishing ideal home standards regarding double lifestyle issues, as Western and Japanese styles were being increasingly mixed due to the influx of Western cultural influences.
Consider the home exhibition of Gyeongseong in 1915. In that exhibition, while Japan was positioned as a center or leader of the civilized world, colonial Joseon was placed in an inferior position as the object of enlightenment. The method of exhibition was not the conventional way, where all objects are encased in glass showcases, but a modern method, where objects were displayed and decorated in a particular arrangement in the proper place in each room of the home -that is, like a contemporary department store, the focus was on "model room" and "exhibition planning" (Shim 2017, 108-09). Further, the intent of Japanese imperialism by which Joseon people were marginalized permeated throughout this exhibition and was dispersed through the exhibition articles. In other words, the people of Joseon were repeatedly indoctrinated while visiting the exhibition or seeing print media advertising the exhibition. In so doing, the political intent of Japanese imperialists who sought to maintain their control over colonial Joseon was constantly being satisfied. This was an attempt to deflect the negative sentiment regarding the reality of Japanese colonial rule in Korea by enticing visitors to shift their attention to the supposed benefits from achievement and development in colonial Joseon (Lee 2010, 609-10).
In the exhibition, Japanese organizers displayed objects that promoted life improvements for people below the middle class, and they therefore sought to pursue the Western way of life as a new aspirational standard of life. At that time, what was displayed in the "place" of an exhibition became accepted as a representation of a country. In other words, at the time, the exhibition was where one could present the level of industrial civilization that had been achieved or the development of industrial technology, and productive power held the power as a standard for value judgements. From this perspective, what was "being left behind" and "being lacking in" allowed a country to be represented as being "inferior" to others. This way of thinking that recognizes the others by representing an exhibition article as a whole country was a corollary arising from the frame of the exhibitions at the time (Matsuda 2014, 101).
In contrast to the Joseon Industrial Exhibition, which focused on displaying all areas of industrial products in a competitive manner, the home exhibition of 1915 confined "home" to the area of consumption in life and displayed items that need to be improved at home from the specific perspective of education and social reform. In other words, it is willing "to offer an improvement for a new domestic life suitable for the new period in various fields, such as hobby, amusement, hygiene, education, and food, clothing, and shelter" that are presented through visual and three-dimensional life-size models, not merely through explanations (Shim 2017, 107). Home exhibitions of the time, which were organized to showcase the items of civilized consumption life that were necessary for a new type of "home", directly appealed to the public with strategies that allow visitors to fully watch and experience the displayed "home." Along with these strategies, the home exhibitions were subsequently expanded into residential discourses through newspaper, magazine, and other print media.

The scene of home exhibition 1915
Through the active usage of both texts and photographs, Maeil Shinbo continuously delivered news about the home exhibition, including stating that it was packed with visitors as soon as the doors were opened and that it visually depicted the home exhibition as a phantasmagoric space.
In the 18 August 1915 issue of Maeil Shinbo, there was an article describing the building and exterior spaces of the home exhibition as a fantastic scene and space, and it seemed to aim to stoke the reader's imagination about the scene of the home exhibition ( Figure 3 and Figure 4); this was done by using flowery words, such as describing a house with varied colors, a building tinged with colorful light, night lighting made up of five-color lights, paper flags of all nations flying in the wind, an aircraft in the sky, and the ornate entrance to the exhibition ( Figure 5). The article added that the backyard of the exhibition venue was embellished with a garden, and that it was used as a resting area for visitors who had finished looking around the exhibition.
In the October 16 and 21, 1915 issues, news was reported of various events that had taken place in the home exhibition. For example, one article described upper-class figures who had visited the home exhibition and taken commemorative photographs or announced their opinions about the exhibition ( Figure 6). Gisaengs (highly-trained women artists in the Joseon Dynasty), who were affiliated with local governments until the 1900s, were mobilized to promote the main events of the exhibition. The gisaengs played a starring role in such events, participating in song competitions, an athletic event, and a business card exchange competition. There were a variety of other events intended to entice visitors, including a giveaway event in which visitors could directly participate. This exhibition venue, its exterior spaces, and the various events were visually continuous, and these became the spectacles of Gyeongseong. Based on this phantasmagoric space, which included a sky in which a three-bay biplane was flying, night lighting with arc lights of five hundred candela intensity, and a high tower that was approximately 33 meters tall for large advertising, various events and sources of entertainment were continuously provided throughout the duration of the home exhibition. Joseon people who read about this "visual" phantasmagoria and events in the newspaper would have no choice but to anticipate the home exhibition with curiosity and wonder. These colonial Joseon people may already have recognized that the home exhibition would include the representation of a modern home. However, this appears to have been an impression produced by fragmented Erlebnis, not by the Erfahrung acquired by the public. 6

The displays of home exhibition 1915
The interior model rooms representing a Japanese middle-class home occupied five exhibition halls of the home exhibition. Each exhibition hall displayed a model room including wax figures and replicas according to the function and subject of the room. Every room was designed and centered around the intended function according to space planning, which is where modern residential discourses were reflected. The rooms also had life-size models including wax figures, furniture, and fixtures that had been manufactured. These rooms were classified into two parts: the first containing the space (e.g., a study, a guest room, and a kitchen) of a Japanese middleclass model house designed by Chuta Ito and the second including several unit spaces (e.g., a children's room, a housewife's room, a room for the elderly, a housemaid's room, a patient's room at home, and so on) which would be occupied by the members of "a modern home" (e.g., a breadwinner, a housewife, a child, an old person, a housemaid and so on).
First, the spaces occupied by a breadwinner in a modern house are the ideal spaces of a middleclass home, and they are equipped with the necessary furniture and fixtures for the relevant functions of a home, such as receiving guests and reading books (Yang, Ryu, and Eun 2009, 51). Unfortunately, we cannot provide any visual evidence about these assertions, because there were no photographs depicting   the study and the guest room. Thus, we read about these in written articles that were published in newspapers of the time. Secondly, a housewife's room is a space of around three-square meters, and it is equipped with household items that housewives frequently need, along with wax figures of a middle-aged housewife and her child (Table 3). This room, unlike traditional rooms, was designed based on its usage. It aimed to promote the identity of a housewife and thereby redefine the position and role of a woman in a domestic space. The housewife's room became a clean, independent space. Two types of kitchens, representing an additional space for a housewife, were displayed (Table 3): one comprising two kans (four tatami mats) and one comprising seven hab-kans (one and a half tatami mats). The kitchen space was designed in a form that allows a housewife to cook, and it was fully equipped with a sink with a water supply, units, and fixtures necessary for household affairs (Kim 2004, 159). In this space, the circulation of a housewife was rationally dealt with, and cleanliness and hygiene were emphasized with the installation of a closet with racks, while the usefulness of a cooking stove that uses gas as a fuel, instead Kitchen of the existing fireplaces using firewood, was stressed (Yang, Ryu, and Eun 2009, 50). Although the kitchen of seven hab-kans is smaller than that of two kans, a compact and economical kitchen was proposed to be sufficient for cooking for a family of five persons. Thirdly, the life-size wax child figures who were displayed in the exhibition represented the owners of the children's rooms, who were a twelve-year boy and a nine-year-old girl. The rooms linked to the two children were displayed with models showcased at the Tokyo Home Economics Girl's School, and they were created based on the children's room of the Japanese middle-class home (Table 4). This children's room was fundamentally designed to solve the double lifestyle problem, wherein the western and Japanese styles were becoming jumbled in the Japanese children's room of the time. This designed space was displayed, and it was classified into a playroom, a study room, a bedroom, and a music room. Thus, the major characteristic of the designed space was to propose individual rooms according to function.
Lastly, there were also several other rooms where a secondary role was conferred in the modern home, such as an elderly person's room, a patient's room for the home, and a housemaid's room. The elderly's room included 7 two wax figures representing an old couple taking tea in a tatami room (Table 5). The patient's room, along with a garden, was designed as two rooms covered with tatami mats. The housemaid's room contained two wax figures that represented two housemaids, along with splendid decorative patterns and scenery background. 8,9 In the home exhibition, the colonial Joseon home was composed of a family of a father, a mother, a brother, a sister, and a young servant. The boudoir of the Joseon home, as a space for the sedentary lifestyle, was lavishly decorated with furnishings, stationery, and decorations (Figure 7). In the boudoir, there were several wax figures that represented a father who was reading a newspaper against the inner wall, his son who was studying (while reading and writing), and his wife and his daughter who were sewing. 10 The colonial Joseon home was showcased such that a sweet domestic scene was represented in a single space where rooms were not divided by each resident, compared to Japanese middle-class home representing modern idea of space wherein individual rooms were classified by associated function and resident.
This appears to create a clear contrast between the model of the colonial Joseon home and that of the modern Japanese home described in the preceding paragraphs. By contrasting the two different types of homes, the home exhibition intended to make visitors feel that the traditional home of Joseon was more likely to fall behind relative to the "civilized" home of Japan, thus allowing the people of Joseon to realize the need to improve Joseon's traditional home.
Moreover, in the home exhibition, modern and classy furniture was displayed in addition to fixtures, equipment, and other assets, along with the model of a Japanese middle-class home. In so doing, the conventional order embedded in the colonial Joseon home began to lose its sense of purpose.

Analysis of home exhibition 1915
Through five exhibit rooms, Home Exhibition 1915 held in Gyeongseong put forth a new ideal for housing and home, as well as the culture of food, clothing, and shelter. However, the main agents of organizing and advertising the home exhibition were Gyeongseong Ilbo and Maeil Shinbo. Why did these newspapers hold the home exhibition? The already known superficial intention appears to be obvious: To reflect the intention of the Japanese Government General of Korea, which attempted to utilize the home exhibition to promote Japanese civilization and products, the newspapers appeared to faithfully serve as spreaders of propaganda while using the images and texts they produced. If so, did the intention of the Japanese Government General of Korea end up justifying the Japanese colonial rule in Joseon and promoting its achievements from an imperialistic perspective? While reading through the newspapers, we could easily notice that the images and texts were employed consistently and systematically rather than temporarily and fragmentarily.
The newspapers of the time were a new media emerging in the modern era. Further, a photographic image in this new media was considered to be both a technical image that could not be altered by the author and an "objective scene" offering a realistic depiction of events. By actively utilizing these "objective" images, Japanese imperialism criticized the culture of food, clothing, and shelter of Joseon, while simultaneously visualizing new concepts such as housewife, child, family, and love as part of modernity or modern culture. However, in Towards a Philosophy of Photography, Flusser (2000, 44), a media philosopher, explained that the seemingly simple activity of taking a photograph involved choosing one of innumerable views through which to access phenomena and objects and representing the phenomena of interest from the chosen view. In (The) Photographer 's Eye, John Szarkowski (1966) asserted that a photographic image was not created but selected, pointing to "frame" as one of the attributes of photographic images. Thus, it appears that, although a photograph is a technical image, it is "an intentional frame" that is visually selected by a photographer rather than an objective fact.

Japanese orientalism wrapped with a modernized space
This fragmented Erlebnis did not cause people of the colonial Joseon to accurately recognize Japanese Orientalism in the home exhibition wrapped with the modernized space. In other words, Joseon's spectators of the home exhibition simply accepted the experience of a new type of home as a form of visual education or visual pleasure, and they could not imagine the intentions that lay behind it. This is because they were unwittingly experiencing an exhibition that was intentionally claiming the superiority of Japanese civilization and putting the people of Joseon in the inferior position.
An article in the 17 September 1915, issue of Maeil Shinbo propagated and urged the importance of life improvement as well as civilization and enlightenment regarding the colonial Joseon home, thereby answering the question regarding the purpose of the home exhibition. Specifically, several halls of the home exhibition presented hygiene problems as a main issue in contrasting modern Japanese homes with premodern Joseon homes. In contrasting the two types of homes, Maeil Shinbo repeatedly explained how the premodern Joseon homes were irrational and unscientific. In particular, the 19 August 1915 and 15 September 1915 issues of the newspaper described how a new type of kitchen called "seven-hab-kan kitchen" submitted by Tsuneko Irisawa was more rational and hygienic than the conventional kitchens in premodern Joseon homes. The articles also highlighted that, although it was a compact space, the seven-hab-kan kitchen (a one and a half tatami mat-sized kitchen) was sufficiently large for preparing a meal in a middleclass home due to its rational composition of the kitchen workspace, and that that kitchen allowed for the hygienic storage of the daily bowls and dishes used by the family members up in the closet with shelves, which were considered to therefore be hygienic equipment (Figure 8). The 17 September 1915 issue contained an article reviewing the second hall in the home exhibition, which included a room for a housewife, a room for the elderly, a housemaid's room, and a two-kan kitchen. The short article repeatedly used the term "cleanness", and it was used again to refer to the two-kan kitchen in the second hall as an improvement over the traditional kitchen in the colonial Joseon home (Figure 9). In her book, (The) Origin of Sweet Home, Baek (2005, 36) stated that the improvement of the kitchen was particularly emphasized because a "clean" kitchen was a barometer that could be used to measure the degree of home improvement. Further, the "clean" space was to be directly connected to "hygiene." The home exhibition, which highlighted the issue of hygiene, established the colonial home as being in opposition to the modern Japanese home in terms of hygiene. This promoted a view that Joseon was an "irrational, unscientific," and inferior society that therefore needed to be improved upon in the direction of the "rational, scientific," and superior western civilization. 11 In other words, imperial Japan saw Joseon from an otherized viewpoint and volunteered to play the role of the modern West in helping Joseon achieve so-called civilization. This is Japanese orientalism as "a way of thinking used for ruling, reorganizing, and overwhelming" the otherized Joseon (Kyoko 2014, 17). 12 This Japanese orientalism was wrapped and exhibited in the home exhibition which provided a model of a modernized home, thus forcing Joseon people to inherently accept the change in the paradigm. This Japanese orientalism, disguised in the form of entertainment and events, was expansively reproduced throughout Colonial Joseon by new media such as newspapers and magazines.

The grammar of colonial rule: the otherized joseon and the theory of civilization
In 1915 when the home exhibition was held, the Joseon Industrial Exhibition was also hosted in Gyeongseong. To host this industrial exhibition, imperial Japan established its colonial view of Joseon's history based on the result of an excavation of historical sites executed from 1902, and imperial Japan first presented this colonial view of history to Joseon people in the art museum (which was later changed into the museum of the Japanese Government General of Korea after the Joseon Industrial Exhibition on the first day of December in1915). The frame that the museum of the Japanese Government General of Korea used had not been changed during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and it played a crucial role in supporting the ruling idea of Japanese imperialism. The standard of judgment for Joseon people at the time was established from data collected by Japanese investigators based on survey items they had set up. 13 In other words, the classification scheme of Japanese imperialism did not exist previously, but it instead constituted a new representation for Joseon people based on the viewpoint of Japanese imperialism and its investigators. The process of judgment was suppressed as well. Chuta Ito, Tsuneko Irisawa, Terumaro Katou, and others, in tandem with this representation for Joseon people, were involved in arranging and displaying the model rooms of the home exhibition; this appears to have affected the character of the home exhibition. The new representation for Joseon people, which was formed by the judgment process described above, came to provide the frame of perception about the "otherized" Joseon people for the visitors of the home exhibition and Joseon people. By comparing two different models representing the family and lifestyle of either the modern Japanese home or the colonial Joseon home, Joseon people naturally discussed their supposed superiority and inferiority under this frame of perception. Thus, this frame was successfully employed as a way to have Joseon people recognize the uncivilized nature of Joseon's traditional home.
Imperial Japan, after securing Joseon as a colony of Japan in 1910, aimed to establish assimilationism as a ruling policy and policy direction in colonial Joseon; this was described as "its imperial instructions on universal benevolence", "the mainland extension policy", and "Japan-Joseon harmonization" (Wednesday History Research Society 2003, 74). Based on this assimilationism concept, imperial Japan claimed a justification for its possession of the colony, and it attempted to expand its ideology claiming that it was impossible for an inferior ethnic group to conquer nature, develop industry, and enlighten civilization in the way that the superior group could (Wednesday History Research Society 2003, 75). A strategy of Japanese colonial cultural rule which attempted to civilize Joseon's uncivilized nature through Japanese civilization and unilaterally educate "the development of Joseon" from the viewpoint of the ruler was contained in the justification for Japanese colonial rule. 14 This strategy is Japanese orientalism, which was revealed through the home exhibition of 1915.

Housewives in the otherized domestic spaces
The home exhibition, which used the modern Japanese middle-class home as a model, was a space where Japanese orientalism otherized Joseon and its people from a macroscopic lens while otherizing women from a microscopic lens. Said (1979, 207) asserted, "Orientalism itself [. . .] was an exclusively male province." 15 In fact, the halls of the home exhibition, which represented an ideal space of a Japanese middle-class home, reflected a male-dominated view of the world.
The representative space was a housewife's room, where a wife was residing, in the second hall in the home exhibition. An article in the 17 September 1915, issue of Maeil Shinbo and a photograph in the 6 October 1915, issue of Gyeongseong Ilbo demonstrated that the housewife's room of the Japanese home was much cleaner than the main room of the Joseon home. However, the housewife's room was not a space only for the wife, as promoted by the newspapers. In this space, the wife played different roles, such as keeping household accounts, writing letters, taking care of children's education, and receiving guests; these are examples of her private space being infringed upon. This can be considered as the result of the Japanese idea of what it means to be a good wife and wise mother. 16 From the nineteenth century onwards, Japan had already established the role sharing of males and females in families based on the idea of a good wife and wise mother, and had by then fixed the role of females as housewives who manage domestic life. 17 Depicted in a photograph of the 12 September 1915, issue of Maeil Shinbo, the scene of the main room of the Joseon home was not much different from that of the housewife's room. The only difference is that the photograph otherized the Joseon home by adding the eyes of visitors viewing the Joseon home in the home exhibition. An article printed along with the photograph was comparing other exhibition halls with the fifth exhibition hall, which represented the typical scene of the Joseon home, where a father read a newspaper against the inner wall, his son studied (while reading and writing), and his wife and his daughter sewed. In the Joseon home, rooms were not divided based on family members and functions, and their domestic activities in everyday life typically happened in a single room, as opposed to the individual functional-based rooms of the Japanese home. The main room of the Joseon home seems to be similar to the housewife's room, in terms of being 14 The integration of Japan and Joseon and the colonial policy of subjecting to Japan were not to identify Japanese people with Joseon people by abolishing discrimination against Joseon people. In all respects, they allowed Joseon people to display loyalty toward the Japanese emperor and imperial Japan, by drawing a sense of spontaneity as a loyal citizen of the Japanese empire from the heart of the Joseon people. 15 In addition to this assertion, Said (1979, 207) explained that orientalists considered females as "the creatures of a male power-fantasy.". 16 Aya Kawamoto, "Japan: The Idea of a Good Wife and Wise Mother and 'Open Policy of Wife'," Critical Review of History 52 (Autumn 2000): 353-363. In this essay, Kawamoto suggested that the idea of a good wife and wise mother in Japan emerged when the meaning of a female as a wise mother who educated the public (a male child) was discussed and centered around enlightenment thinkers who were influenced by Christianity in the early period of empire of Korea. 17 After the first world war, a criticism was raised, even in Japan at that time, that the idea of a good wife and wise mother was "groundless" and intended for "a male's life". This necessitated a change in the idea of a good wife and wise mother.
a space requiring the sacrifice and dedication of a housewife, who took the ownership of the room. However, the article in the issue of Maeil Shinbo deliberately described the housewife's room as a modern space, thereby highlighting the supposed relative backwardness of the main room of the Joseon home, while hiding the masculine viewpoints of Japanese imperialism.
Confucian patriarchy related to the idea of a good wife and wise mother emerged as a national idea in the early Joseon Dynasty. Based on the Confucian patriarchy of the Joseon society, the spatial division of a Joseon home was not even perceived as discrimination by Joseon people. The role of the female (specifically the housewife) in the Japanese middle-class home highlighted in the home exhibition was limited to a role of housekeeping. However, this role was well wrapped in the individuality of a housewife who managed to be clean and hygienic. In so doing, women of the time appeared to take the fixed gender roles as established fact.
This aspect was similarly revealed in the fifth exhibition hall displaying a patient's room at home and child hygiene. In the front, one exhibition of the patient's room emphasized a sense of hygiene in every aspect of domestic life, and another exhibition on child hygiene suggested modern education for children. However, the back demonstrated how the enlightenment of a housewife, on which the sacrifice and dedication of a female should be based, was required. As can be seen from an article published in the 26 August 1915, issue and a photograph printed in the 11 September 1915 issue of Maeil Shinbo, the task of home improvement was completely entrusted to the female ( Figure 10). In other words, it appears that she was limited to serving as a visual subject for the displayed spaces rather than it being shown that she helped represent her domestic life in the displayed spaces.

Realism of the domestic space
As explained above, the effort taken to conceal the ideological view can clearly be seen in the articles and photographs of several newspapers published at that time. These articles underline the modern reform of consciousness for the colonial Joseon home and enlighten housewives about managing household matters, and they repeatedly explain the superiority of modern civilization. The photographs printed along with articles visualize the detailed arrangement of the exhibition items to increase their sense of reality.
Consider the six photographs printed in the upper part of an appendix page of the 11 September 1915 issue of Maeil Shinbo, which was published at the same time that the home exhibition opened ( Figure  11). These photographs typically contain the child's room of the first exhibition hall, the image of nurturing a child, and the housewife's room. This is a strategy called superficial directness by images, rather than abstract indirectness by texts, as it relates to the information delivery of the home exhibition. These images are arranged or inserted into frames according to two tactics: One is the activity of a housewife and the other is the arranged space. First, to emphasize the activity of a housewife, there are two images of being organized. One of the images, entitled "a general feature raising a child," was inserted in a circle frame, while another image depicting a way of holding a baby was cut out along a contour line with a curved surface. These scenes focus not on depictions of space, but on depictions of activity. Thus, the first tactic is to emphasize the activity of a person, while fully excluding the sense of depth of space. Secondly, there are images of spaces where family members and their furniture were specifically arranged. A circle frame contains the scene of a housewife having a meal with her child. Four rectangle frames include the scenes of a housewife's room, a child's bedroom, a children's play-room, and a patient's room, respectively. Aside from for the image depicting the patient's room, family members cannot be found in any of the other images. The furniture and fixtures neatly arranged in the images are the visual object for both the readers of the newspaper and the visitors to the home exhibition. If this is the case, what did these images intend to represent? The articles of the newspaper explained that they represented the spaces of a housewife and her children, which had never been considered in the Joseon home, and moreover emphasized that the spaces were individual rooms divided by function. They absolutely followed the functional approach of the early modern era.
However, why were the subjects of the rooms excluded in the images? A clue to this question is the concept of "view", which is an important part of the picture frame in the mechanism of camera. The intention of the images is to protect the views of readers watching the scenes from being dispersed. This allows their views to focus on the objects of the rooms, rather than the subjects of the rooms. Through the images and the circle frame, we can estimate that the subjects of the spatial images are a housewife and her children. Thus, we can also carefully examine the arranged objects while estimating the subject of the spaces. In looking at the objects, the then readers of the newspapers could verify the evidence supporting the civilization of the Japanese home, thereby realize the importance of home improvement.
Looking further ahead, they aimed to stoke the intrinsic desire for more space as an act of consumption. The desire to consume the spaces appears to be continuously stimulated by the detailed arrangement of furniture and fixtures, as well as the decoration patterns. For example, in the home exhibition, a child's room and his/her play room were separately displayed and, in the newspaper, Maeil Shinbo, the displayed furniture of the rooms was converted into images, which were then distributed to Joseon people. In other words, the home exhibition essentially commercialized domestic life and advertised the product through the contemporary newspapers. This is also revealed in an essay entitled, "The Exhibitionist House" which was written by Beatriz Colomina and which examined domestic life and architectural media. In that essay, Colomina (1998) asserts that the discourses of modern houses throughout the 20 th century are directly connected to the commercialization of domestic life. She also repeatedly and emphatically points out that this commercialization has been and continues to be distributed and reproduced in exhibition spaces and diverse media.