Homeownership is associated with positive household outcomes, including well-evidenced physical, psychological, and financial benefits (Dietz & Haurin, 2003; Herbert, McCure, & Sanchez-Moyano, 2013; Rohe & Lindblad, 2013). Financial benefits are grounded in the central role that homeownership plays in the United States (Kuebler, 2013). Wealth building is a key benefit of homeownership and occurs when the home appreciates or when additional value from capital improvements is gained. Furthermore, homeownership functions as a forced savings mechanism through paying down the principal balance on the mortgage. In cross sectional data, there is a strong association between homeownership and wealth. The median net worth of homeowners was $255,000 in 2019, compared with $6,300 for renters (Federal Reserve Board, 2020). The role of homeownership in wealth accumulation is particularly vital for lower income households because it is often their primary vehicle for asset building (Galster & Santiago, 2008; Herbert & Belsky, 2008). For homeowners with gross household incomes below $60,000, which is approximately the median household income, the median share of their net worth from home equity is 72%, compared with 35% for households with incomes of $60,000 or more (Federal Reserve Board, 2020).

However, the benefits of homeownership are not equally distributed and people of color and lower income households overall do not experience the same gains as higher income and White households (Cortes, Herbert, Wilson, & Clay, 2007; Flippen, 2004; Freeman, 2005; Reid, 2005). For example, among homeowners with gross household incomes below $30,000 in 2019, which is about 50% of median household income, median home equity was $78,000, compared with $146,000 for households that earn $60,000 or more (Federal Reserve Board, 2020). Furthermore, people of color do not benefit from homeownership to the same extent as White households; in 2019 wealth from homeownership for White households was $130,000, compared with $66,800 for Black or African American homeowners and $95,000 for Hispanic or Latinx homeowners (Federal Reserve Board, 2020). Extant research, which is explored in further detail in the literature review section, describes the conditions (e.g., loan terms, interest rate, rate of appreciation, etc.) under which asset building from homeownership is the most or least effective, particularly for low- and moderate-income households.

In addition to the unequal distribution of wealth accumulation among homeowners, homeownership remains out of reach for many low-income households. Access to homeownership is impacted by borrowing constraints—wealth, income, and credit quality (Acolin, Goodman, & Wachter, 2016; Barakova, Bostic, Calem, & Wachter, 2003; Ehlenz, 2018; Jacobus & Davis, 2010)—and the large wealth gap has only grown in the post-Great Recession recovery (Acolin et al., 2019). Barriers to entry because of increased costs of living and the lack of affordable housing options have priced many households out of the market. Rising costs make it difficult to save for a down payment. Some renters may be discouraged from applying for a mortgage because of a lack of information and misconceptions about how much is required for a down payment or concern about personal debt such as student loans (Acolin et al., 2016).

Nontraditional programs, such as shared-equity homeownership (SEH) programs, are an important tool in asset building to provide entry into homeownership for people of color and lower income households who otherwise would not become homeowners (Ehlenz, 2018; Jacobus & Davis, 2010; Thaden, Greer, & Saegert, 2013). These programs aim to create long-term affordability of homes with a one-time community investment, by producing units at a reduced price that are purchased by low- and moderate-income households, with restrictions on the resale value to ensure they remain affordable for future lower income homebuyers (Wang, Cahen, Acolin, & Walter, 2019).

SEH programs include models that aim to share the risks and advantages of homeownership while offering three key benefits: long-term affordability, wealth creation, and community stabilization and displacement prevention (often in response to gentrification; Carlsson, 2019; Temkin, Theodos, & Price, 2013; Thaden et al., 2013). The main types of these programs include community land trusts (CLTs), limited-equity cooperatives, and deed-restricted units. Although the prevalence of SEH models has increased, alongside research about their impacts, there continues to be a gap in our understanding of the extent to which SEH models support wealth building for lower income homeowners. A prominent critique remains that, by design, resale restrictions limit the amount of equity that SEH homeowners capture (Carlsson, 2019; Diamond, 2009; Ehlenz, 2018). This in turn impacts the household’s ability to build wealth. Yet this criticism does not typically consider the amount of wealth that would be accumulated if households remained renters, instead focusing on comparison with market-rate purchases—something that is often not feasible for lower income buyers, particularly in high-cost markets.

In this article we present a comparison of outcomes for households participating in shared-equity programs with other low- and moderate-income households who rent or who own properties without restrictions on appreciation. In doing so, we assess the wealth building of households that enter SEH, guided by the objective of establishing asset building among participants in shared-equity programs. Few empirical studies exist on the performance of SEH programs despite their size and increasing popularity in recent years. To our knowledge, this is the first study to compare wealth accumulation over the last two decades for participants in different types of shared-equity programs with outcomes of renters and homeowners with similar characteristics. We compare annual home equity accumulation for SEH homeowners with annual home equity accumulation for homeowners and other wealth accumulation for renters in the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics (PSID) using propensity score matching (PSM) and regression controlling for individual characteristics. The results indicate that whereas homeowners in the PSID have an advantage with regard to wealth accumulation, SEH homeowners accumulate significantly (statistically and economically) more home equity than renters accumulate wealth. Because of sample limitations, we are not able to provide estimates for different SEH program types or for different racial and ethnic groups.

We begin by providing a brief overview of SEH programs, which is followed by a discussion of the literature on determinants of wealth accumulation from homeownership and on SEH and wealth accumulation. We then describe our data and methods to estimate change in housing wealth for SEH owners and compare it with change in housing and nonhousing wealth for PSID owners and renters. Finally, we conclude with our analysis and a discussion of the study’s results showing the potential of SEH programs in supporting wealth building for low- and moderate-income households.

Background on SEH

The original core tenets of shared-equity models—those of community control, affordability, land stewardship, and shared equity—found their roots in Indigenous knowledge, working-class movements, and movements for racial justice (Carlsson, 2019). For example, one of the first CLTs was established in 1969 in southern Georgia to create access for Black farmers who faced barriers to land ownership (Carlsson, 2019). Although recent work has pointed to the ways that some SEH programs have reduced the emphasis on community control since the 1980s, many of the other characteristics remain integral to SEH models: the housing is owner occupied, equity is shared, resale is restricted, and—in the case of CLTs—a stewardship organization oversees the land (Davis, 2017; DeFilippis, Stromberg, & Williams, 2018).

Determinants of Wealth Accumulation From Homeownership

Different factors and conditions have been shown to make homeownership a more or less effective tool for asset building, especially as it pertains to people of color and lower income households. These include the rate of appreciation of the unit, the housing price cycle, the forced saving mechanism associated with repaying mortgage principal based on financing and refinancing options, the ability to capture tax benefits, and home maintenance and capital improvements.

Appreciation occurs when the value of the home increases over time. Local housing market factors impact the price cycle and home appreciation. For example, in areas that have a restricted housing supply because of development regulations, as demand outpaces supply and drives down home inventory, prices will increase. Macroeconomic factors may also impact rates of home appreciation. The Great Recession caused by the housing bubble, and subsequent burst and collapse of the financial markets, led to a significant depreciation in home values. Thus, the timing of when the household enters and exits the market is critical (Di, Belsky, & Liu, 2007; Di, Yang, & Liu, 2003). However, the timing of entry and exit may matter more for some households than others. Newman and Holupka (2016) demonstrate that macroeconomic conditions for first-time White homeowners have a direct impact on gains and losses of net worth during periods of expansion and decline, but for first-time Black homeowners, total net worth declined regardless of economic conditions.

The duration (length of time the home is owned) also impacts the cost of homeownership. If the home is sold before the gain in appreciation is greater than closing costs,¹ the homeowner experiences a negative return on their investment. There is evidence that lower income households experience shorter holding periods and may sell more often before experiencing sufficient appreciation levels to cover closing costs (Belsky & Duda, 2002). Longer holding periods lead to more wealth accumulation by moderating the cyclical nature of housing markets, particularly for lower income households because they lack the opportunity to invest elsewhere (Di et al., 2007, 2003). Longer holding periods also allow a larger share of the principal to be paid down, particularly because interest payments dominate the early years of a mortgage. Unfortunately, lower income households tend to have higher rates of residential mobility and own a home for shorter periods of time because of financial insecurity. Reid (2005) found that more than half of low-income households exited homeownership within 5 years of their first purchase, whereas only about one fourth of higher-income households exited within that time frame.

Increased rates of appreciation clearly expand wealth accumulation; however, moderate- and low-income homebuyers do not necessarily experience the same gains as higher income households do from appreciation (Belsky, Retsinas, & Duda, 2005; Bostic & Lee, 2008; Newman & Holupka, 2016; Rappaport, 2010). Higher valued homes, and the neighborhoods they are in, build greater appreciation, whereas highly segregated minority neighborhoods stifle housing appreciation (Flippen, 2004). Galster and Santiago (2008) found that homes owned by White households appreciated at twice the rate of homes owned by Black and Latinx households. Higher income White households report greater home values and experience some of the largest gains in housing wealth appreciation from forced savings and annual appreciation, compared with people of color and lower income households (Boehm & Schlottmann, 2004). In some cases, stagnant appreciation of lower priced homes negates the asset-building potential from homeownership altogether (Reid, 2005; Shlay, 2006).

The amount available for a down payment can impact the type of loan and financing terms a borrower may be able to secure. People of color and lower income households are less likely to have sufficient resources for large down payments (Bostic & Lee, 2008). Often, these households do not get help from extended family or have limited access to other resources for the down payment to enter homeownership (Hall & Crowder, 2011). When households have little or no equity in their home, they are at more risk of default when a downturn in a market occurs (Galster & Santiago, 2008). The financing terms of the loan impact wealth accumulation. Higher interest rates, higher origination fees, and riskier loan products, such as interest-only and negative amortization loans, depress asset-building potential from principal payments that represent an important forced saving mechanism (Galster & Santiago, 2008; Grinstein-Weiss, Key, Guo, Yeo, & Holub, 2013). Lower income households are more likely to have higher cost and riskier loans, which are predominant in lower income minority communities (Belsky et al., 2005; Bostic & Lee, 2008; Rappaport, 2010). Low-income homeowners are also less likely to take advantage of refinancing, which can substantially reduce costs associated with homeownership when interest rates fall (Belsky et al., 2005). In 2019, only about 18% of homeowners with income below $60,000 had a primary mortgage that was refinanced, compared with 34% for households with income of $60,000 or more (Federal Reserve Board, 2020).

Low-income homeowners are less likely to benefit from the tax benefits provided to homeowners. In particular, they are rarely in a position to take advantage of deductions for mortgage interest payments and real property taxes because the standard deduction often exceeds the total amount from itemized deductions (Belsky et al., 2005; Herbert & Belsky, 2008; Rappaport, 2010). Home maintenance and capital improvements in a property protect the investment and can increase a home’s value. The condition and age of the home subsequently impacts the cost of homeownership. Lower income households are more prone to purchasing older homes that often require substantial maintenance because they can only afford low-value homes. Often these homeowners do not have the disposable income needed for unexpected repairs, preventive maintenance, and capital improvements, which can deflate the home’s value. Higher income households are more likely to make capital improvements and undertake expansion projects (Baker & Kaul, 2002; Mendelsohn, 1977). Van Zandt and Rohe (2011) show that it is common for low-income homeowners to face unexpected costs and home repairs they are not able to afford, affecting their ability to maintain and keep their home. Furthermore, Boehm and Ihlanfeldt (1986) found that homeowners in neighborhoods with dilapidated structures were less likely to engage in maintenance and improvement expenditures.

Overall, the extant literature on wealth accumulation indicates asset building is generally positively and significantly associated with homeownership. The average net wealth of owners is 2.2 times that of renters (Di et al., 2003). Although lower income households do not accumulate as much wealth as higher-income households, they experience higher returns from owning than renting (Turner & Luea, 2009). Herbert et al. (2013) estimate low-income households accumulate approximately $10,000 each year, compared with low-income renters. Even during a period when home values are depreciating, lower income homeowners experience greater gains in wealth accumulation than renters do (Grinstein-Weiss et al., 2013).

Homeownership does not always lead to more wealth than renting, especially for lower income and minority households (Boehm & Schlottmann, 2004; Galster & Santiago, 2008). Wainer and Zabel (2020) found that lower income households who entered homeownership between 2001 and 2007 experienced little to no gain in wealth accumulation by 2013 compared with renter households, although this was an exceptional period marked by an historical housing boom and bust at the national level.

SEH and Wealth Accumulation

SEH programs may moderate some of the adverse effects that stifle wealth accumulation for lower income homeowners. For example, more than 91% of shared-equity homeowners in a study by Temkin et al. (2010) remained homeowners after 5 years, well above the national 50% norm for low-income, first-time homeowners. This is complemented by risks such as foreclosure or mortgage defaults being mitigated by the stewardship organization, that can work to delay those events, facilitate short sales, provide direct grants or loans, and offer homeownership counseling to identify potential loan modifications (Carlsson, 2019; Davis & Stokes, 2009; Thaden & Rosenberg, 2010). Shared-equity homeowners also resell for similar reasons, and at similar rates, to other homeowners, and many shared-equity homeowners purchase a market-rate property after selling their shared-equity home (Temkin et al., 2010). Further, in some shared-equity models, the buyer’s mortgage is reduced through a subsidy provided by the stewardship organization (Thaden et al., 2013). Do these benefits offset the financial impact of resale restrictions?

As discussed above, resale restrictions in SEH programs often limit the resale price of the home. These restrictions serve to preserve the long-term affordability of the home for generations of low-income homeowners. However, there remains significant debate about the impact of resale restrictions on low-income households participating in shared-equity programs.

Several studies have compared individual wealth accumulation for different types of SEH models (e.g., Davis, 2017; Davis & Stokes, 2009; Jacobus & Davis, 2010; Jacobus & Maxwell, 2019; Temkin et al., 2013; Wang et al., 2019). Some of these studies have evaluated resales from only one program (Davis & Stokes, 2009; Jacobus & Davis, 2010; Jacobus & Maxwell, 2019),² whereas other studies have compared multiple shared-equity models and affordable homeownership programs (Davis, 2017; Jacobus, 2007; Temkin et al., 2013; Wang et al., 2019).³ All of these studies demonstrate that, on average, at the time of resale, shared-equity homeowners recoup their down payment, earn a return on their investment, and generate more wealth from homeownership than they would have received if they had continued to rent, based on modeling the cost of renting, which deflates the argument that there is no financial gain captured from shared-equity models.

Home price appreciation and net equity gain for different types of shared-equity homeownership models vary based on a variety of factors such as the date the property was purchased and sold, holding period, original purchase price, location of the home, and resale formula. On average, the annualized internal rate of return was over 25% for a homeowner reselling after 5 years (Jacobus, 2007; Jacobus & Davis, 2010); however, the range varies substantially based on the program, from about 6.5% to 60% (Davis, 2017; Temkin et al., 2013). Furthermore, Wang et al. (2019) show that not only the program but the time period in which the homeowner sold the home mattered. The median gross appreciation during the housing boom period (2001–2006) was 3.3%, during the housing bust period (2007–2012) it was 1.7%, and during the housing recovery period (2013–2018) it was 0.5%. Despite the variation because of some of the factors referenced above, these studies consistently demonstrate that for the average household, the combined wealth accumulation over the holding period is approximately $13,000–$16,000 (Davis, 2017; Davis & Stokes; Jacobus, 2007; Jacobus & Davis, 2010; Wang et al., 2019).

These foundational studies highlight that shared-equity homeownership models generate wealth accumulation for moderate- and low-income homebuyers. However, a key question remains: How do outcomes for shared-equity homeowners compare with similar first-time home buyers? Theodos, Stacy, Braga, and Daniels (2019) address this question using a methodology similar to that employed in the collection of wealth studies—difference-in-difference and PSM approaches—but look at financial health rather than wealth accumulation. Short-term financial health (credit scores and credit utilization rate as well as debt types and amount) and loan performance are evaluated for nine shared-equity programs and similar first-time homebuyers in the same metropolitan region.⁴ Shared-equity homeowners take out smaller mortgages, have lower monthly payments, and are less likely to have additional financing on their homes compared with similar first-time homebuyers (Theodos et al., 2019). They found no differences regarding mortgage delinquencies, which suggests that shared-equity homeowners perform just as well on their mortgage as similar first-time homeowners do (Theodos et al., 2019). Expanding on this line of inquiry, our study specifically examines asset building and wealth accumulation outcomes for SEH models compared with similar low- and moderate-income households who rent or who own properties without restrictions on appreciation.

Data and Methods

Two main data sets are used for this study to compare wealth accumulation by shared-equity homeowners relative to similar owners and renters over the 1997–2019 period. Information about shared-equity homeowners is obtained from the HomeKeeper National Data Hub and information about low-income renters and owners is obtained from the PSID, restricted use dataset (2020).

The HomeKeeper data are managed by Grounded Solutions Network, a national organization that supports SEH programs, and data are entered by individual participating organizations with detailed information about the property transaction and the household purchasing and selling the housing unit. Data from organizations with a range of SEH programs are included. The data are described in more detail by Wang et al. (2019). For this study, we restrict the sample to households that purchased and resold a home between 1997 and 2019, with information about the purchase and resale price, along with the amount of the mortgage balance at origination and resale, to estimate total and annualized housing equity gain over the holding period.⁵ For SEH households, annual housing wealth gain is calculated based on the effective resale price minus the effective purchase price plus the difference between the mortgage balance at resale and at origination and the holding period.⁶ This provides a sample of 1,177 households. Table 1 provides a breakdown of the units included in the analysis. As shown, about three quarters of units are part of CLT programs, with the rest mostly split between LECs and units with deed restrictions. The units are present in all census regions, with an overrepresentation in the Northeast with Champlain Housing Trust, one of the oldest and largest CLT programs in the nation, as the largest contributor. In terms of the resale formula, 85% of units are subject to the appraisal-based formula, with the seller recouping a share of the appreciation (e.g., 25% in the case of Champlain Housing Trust). Another 10% rely on indexed formulas, most commonly based on the CPI.

The PSID data are directed by the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan and began with a nationally representative sample in 1968 that has been supplemented since 1997 to include more recent immigrants, particularly Hispanic and Latinx households. The survey has been conducted every 2 years since 1999. The PSID has been one of the main sources of panel data for wealth studies to examine the relationship between tenure type and wealth accumulation and is recognized for including detailed questions about a household’s financial situation (Di et al., 2007; Herbert et al., 2013; Reid, 2005; Turner & Luea, 2009). Our unit of analysis consists of tenure periods, which are defined as the period of time between moves reported by individuals listed as head of household at both the beginning and end of the period.⁷ Therefore, if a household moved multiple times within the study period, each tenure period is treated as a separate unit. For owners, we limit our sample to households that purchased and resold a home between 1997 and 2017 for which wealth information is available, with at least one intervening survey wave between moves. For renters, we limit our sample to households that moved between 1997 and 2017 for which wealth information is available, with at least one intervening survey wave between moves to provide information about starting and ending wealth. We also remove anomalous cases from both groups, such as cases where mortgage principal increases from zero to nonzero during the tenure period, and cases where zero nonequity wealth is reported at both the beginning and end of the tenure period.

For owners, our main measure of housing equity is estimated based on self-reported home value minus outstanding mortgage balance in the waves immediately succeeding the home purchase and immediately preceding the resale, annualized based on the time between these two surveys.⁸ For owners and renters, we also estimate a measure of nonhousing equity wealth by adding up savings, pensions, and financial investments (but not wealth associated with businesses, farms, or additional real estate investments), minus outstanding nonhousing debts. For both owners and renters, we eliminate observations for which reported home value, mortgage, and other wealth components are missing in either time period.

The SEH programs are designed to serve low- and moderate-income households earning less than 80% of the AMI, primarily serving first-time homebuyers earning between 51% and 80% of AMI. They therefore have substantially lower income than the general population. Owners and renters participating in the PSID also differ substantially in terms of characteristics such as age, income, household structure, and race/ethnicity.

To compare the three groups—SEH owners, PSID owners, and PSID renters—we implement a PSM approach using nearest-neighbor matching.⁹ This means that in the matched sample, some of the PSID households are used several times if they are the best match for multiple SEH households. Tenure periods are matched based on age of household head, household income, household size, race/ethnicity of household head, and purchase period, as well as state-level or metropolitan-level (where applicable) median home value and income. PSID observations with income above $150,000 are excluded to improve the degree of matching based on income, given that among SEH owners only one observation had income above $145,000. The race/ethnicity variable is broken down into non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black or African American, Hispanic, and other.¹⁰ The locational controls at the metropolitan level (or state level for units outside metropolitan areas) ensure that matched households face similar market environments in terms of house value and household income. All dollar amounts are expressed in 2019 real dollars.

Using this technique, we match each combination of groups: (a) PSID owners and SEH owners; (b) PSID renters and SEH owners; and (c) PSID renters and PSID owners. We focus on the first two models in the analysis and present the results for Model 3 in Appendix A. For Models 1 and 2, we match with replacement so that an individual in the control group (PSID owners or renters) can be matched to more than one individual in the treatment group (SEH owners) to improve the quality of the nearest match and ensure the treatment and control groups are as similar as possible. Model 3 matches PSID owners and PSID renters that were successfully matched to SEH households in the first two models, to assess the differences between renters and owners who are demographically similar to the SEH sample.

Our analysis focuses on the differences in median annual changes in home equity for SEH and PSID owners and annual changes in nonequity wealth for renters, calculated by dividing the total change in these wealth measures by the duration of tenure.¹¹ We would have preferred to observe changes in nonequity wealth for SEH owners as well but do not have access to that information. We rely on the assumption that SEH owners will not experience absolute declines in nonhousing wealth. Based on this assumption, our comparison of equity wealth growth for owners and nonequity wealth growth for renters demonstrates the extent to which the wealth of owners increases over and above the growth in nonequity wealth. By comparing PSID owners and renters in Appendix A, we are able to show that this assumption holds for PSID owners and that the comparisons of changes in nonequity wealth for renters and home equity of overall wealth for owners show similar patterns.

We estimate quantile regressions incorporating both matching and survey weights (Conley & Galenson, 1994; Koenker & Hallock, 2001). Matching weights account for the matching with replacement in the models comparing SEH and PSID households, so that PSID households that are used as a match for several SEH households are properly accounted for. Survey weights for PSID households account for the longitudinal structure of the survey that has led to a differential representation of different sociodemographic groups based on income, race and ethnicity, and immigration status in particular.

The PSM approach we adopt does not allow us to estimate the causal impact of participating in SEH programs on wealth accumulation because participating households are not assigned randomly, and the PSM does not account for differences in propensity to save or in familial resources between SEH owners and PSID owners and renters. Rather, the PSM allows us to compare actual wealth changes for SEH owners and PSID owners and renters with similar sociodemographic characteristics and locational contexts.

Results

Figure 1(a and b) displays the change in absolute standardized mean difference (SMD) from before (right) to after (left) the matching process for each model, showing that our matching strategy effectively balances the treatment and control groups and that the SMD falls below the 0.1 threshold commonly used to define adequate matches for all variables in all three models except for household size in Model 1.¹² In particular, the matched households have similar age, income, and move-in year as well as similar regional median income and home value, factors that have been shown to be key in impacting wealth accumulation through homeownership.

Transitioning to Homeownership: Asset Building for Low- and Moderate-Income Households

All authors

Arthur Acolin, Alex Ramiller, Rebecca J. Walter, Samantha Thompson & Ruoniu Wang

https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2021.1949372

Published online:

09 August 2021

Figure 1. Absolute standardized mean difference. (a) SEH owners versus PSID owners; (b) SEH owners versus PSID renters.

Display full size

Table 2 presents descriptive statistics for the three matched samples used as part of the comparison between SEH owners and PSID households. Overall, the distributions across samples confirm that the three postmatching samples are well balanced across key variables that have been associated with wealth. Degree of balance is calculated via the absolute SMD¹³ between the control and treatment groups for each of the matching variables. A well-matched variable generally has an absolute SMD of less than 0.1, indicating that the mean difference between the treatment and control groups is one tenth the size of the population standard deviation. The median household income of the postmatching samples is between $43,000 and $44,000, substantially lower than the AMI ($57,000 to $58,000), reflecting the fact that SEH programs serve primarily low- and moderate-income households earning between 60% and 80% of their AMI. The average household head is between 35 and 36 years old, because SEH participants are often first-time homebuyers. In terms of racial/ethnic composition, the sample is disproportionately White non-Hispanic/Latinx (79% of SEH households) with only about 5% Black or African American households, and 5% Hispanic or Latinx households.¹⁴ The average household size is 2.1 to 2.2 and the average length of tenure is slightly longer for SEH households (6.2 years) than for matched PSID owners (5.9) and renters (5.1). This difference is substantially smaller than in the unmatched data where the average length of tenure is 5.4 years for owners and 3.1 years for renters, illustrating the stability of SEH homeowners discussed above.

In terms of purchase period, most observations are for households that purchased or moved in between 1997 and 2007, prior to the Great Recession (49–57%). A substantial share purchased or moved between 2008 and 2019, during the Great Recession or its aftermath (32–50%), and whereas 10.7% of SEH households purchased and sold during the recovery period of 2013 to 2019, only 0.7% of PSID owners and 1.5% of PSID renters moved during this period, in part because of the right censoring of post-2017 moves. Previous work (Wang et al., 2019) has shown broadly similar levels of wealth building across these three periods, although it was slightly lower for those who purchased and sold during the recovery period. The higher share of SEH households that purchased and sold during the recovery period, relative to the control groups, would therefore be expected to have a limited downward impact on the SEH estimates.

Our analysis focuses on differences in medians rather than differences in means, given the relatively small sample size and the presence of observations with large annual changes in wealth that can substantially affect group averages. Differences in medians, t-statistics, and 95% confidence intervals are estimated using quantile regressions with a dummy for whether matched pairs are in the treatment or control group (SEH owners relative to PSID owners and renters in Models 1 and 2).

Table 3(a) reports the difference in median annual change in housing wealth between the SEH and PSID owners. The median SEH owner experienced an annual increase in housing wealth of $1,657 in real terms, compared with $2,079 for the median PSID owner. The difference of $423 is not statistically significant, but at about 20% of the estimated wealth gains for PSID owners, it is substantial. Over the average 6-year holding period, this means that an SEH household would have accumulated about $10,000 in housing wealth, compared with $12,500 for a similar PSID owner. These numbers are somewhat smaller than what has been found in the literature on owners overall, both because these households have characteristics (such as lower household incomes) associated with lower wealth accumulation and because our study period includes a period of substantial housing wealth loss during the Great Recession.

Table 3(b) shows that overall wealth for matched renters in the PSID only increased by $16 per year in real terms, which is both substantially and statistically significantly lower than the median annual wealth change reported for SEH owners. This suggests that as long as the SEH homeowners do not lose substantial nonequity wealth during their tenure period, they are able to accumulate substantially more wealth than similar renters are.

Appendix A compares the median annual change in housing wealth and other wealth by PSID owners and renters. The results show that the median PSID owner also added significantly more housing wealth than the median increase in overall wealth experienced by renters. Whereas PSID owners also experienced a larger increase in nonequity wealth than renters, this only represented $224 per year—far less than the growth in home equity wealth. These results support the fact that the comparison of changes in housing wealth for SEH owners relative to the change in other wealth for PSID renters may understate rather than overstate the extent to which SEH owners experience higher overall wealth growth than PSID renters.

Discussion

Homeownership has been associated with household wealth building through the accumulation of equity generated by the forced saving mechanism associated with paying back one’s mortgage principal as well as long-term home value appreciation. At the same time, barriers to accessing homeownership, particularly in the form of borrowing constraints, can prevent households from entry when it might be optimal to switch from renting to owning. Parental wealth, including wealth generated from homeownership, has been found to be an important factor in young households becoming homeowners. In addition, rising housing costs (for both types of tenure) have further complicated access to homeownership for low- and moderate-income renters with limited access to capital.

In this context, SEH programs have the potential to facilitate access to homeownership for low- and moderate-income households, for whom owning may be the desired tenure choice but who would not be able to afford a house that meets their needs without the SEH option. SEH programs are designed to maintain long-term affordability by limiting appreciation at resale. By design, this limits the amount of wealth building SEH homeowners will experience through appreciation but does not affect the forced saving mechanism channel.

Our results indicate that SEH owners experienced real median net home equity gains of $1,658 per year for owners who bought and resold their home after 1997. This means that a household that stayed in their house for 6 years would have accumulated about $10,000. This is less than the $2,080 in median annual housing wealth gain, or about $12,500 over 6 years, experienced by similar owners in the PSID but still represents about 80% of that amount (and the difference is not statistically significant). By comparison, similar renters in the PSID sample only accumulated about $100 in real terms over that period, and the difference in wealth gain between owners and renters is statistically significant.

The estimated amount of housing wealth built by SEH homeowners is more than 1.5 times the median net worth of renters ($6,000 as of 2019) and represents an amount sufficient to put a 5% down payment on a $200,000 house. For first-time homeowners, SEH programs can therefore help households start accumulating wealth and enable them to build their credit and down payment to become homeowners of unrestricted houses, if they desire to do so in the future.

Overall, these results indicate that SEH homeowners are able to build real wealth through home equity gains (both from house price appreciation and repaying their mortgage principal) over their holding period. The level of housing wealth-building by SEH owners may be slightly lower than the appreciation experienced by similar owners of unrestricted properties (although not statistically significant), but it is substantially higher than the overall nonequity wealth built by renters. These conclusions indicate that SEH can be an effective wealth-building tool—particularly among low- and moderate-income households that may have limited access to other homeownership opportunities—and can therefore serve as an effective substitute for unrestricted homeownership options with respect to home equity accumulation.

Further work is needed to examine whether these results hold for people of color. The historical lack of access to homeownership by people of color has been identified as one of the drivers of the persistent racial-ethnic wealth inequality gap, and increasing access to homeownership options is particularly important for these households. Our small sample size limits our ability to provide group-specific estimates, but future research should examine whether SEH owners of color experience similar levels of housing wealth building to White owners (which is not the case for owners of unrestricted units).

In addition, these results aggregate all organizations and program types. Future work is needed to examine potential variations across SEH program types and resale formulas. Finding whether certain program designs are most effective in supporting wealth building is particularly important for local governments and nonprofit organizations that are considering expanding support for these programs. Finally, differences in nonfinancial outcomes, such as neighborhood locations of SEH participants versus similar owners and renters, is another area worth exploring further, to examine whether such programs support access to different types of neighborhoods in addition to supporting wealth building.