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Tourists, workers, and business owners from diverse cultural backgrounds and social positions meet at tourism enclaves. Yet, the spatial layout of most enclaves encourages segregation instead of celebrating and benefiting from this diversity. This paper examines the genesis of enclave tourism boundaries. It proposes boundary-work as a sustainability practice to work out segregating propensities, and transform exclusionary boundaries or make them more permeable. Life story interviews in a Mexican Caribbean enclave revealed segregation's appalling consequences for workers, implicit costs for business owners, and the personal involvement of tourism actors in historical struggles over boundaries. This analysis constitutes a first step to untangle exclusionary propensities and render tourism boundaries more workable from a sustainability governance perspective. The paper explains the need for sustainable tourism research that identifies opportunities to: (1) address traumatic experiences born of discriminatory practices, (2) turn adversarial emotions between workers and business owners into productive collaborations across boundaries, and (3) challenge power asymmetries by providing tourism actors with knowledge about the physical, symbolic, and imaginary dimensions of boundaries. It concludes that the influence of any individual agent is profoundly limited; the transformation of long-standing boundaries demands a deliberate reformulation of sustainable tourism as a multi-dimensional decolonizing force.
游客、工人和来自不同文化背景和社会地位的企业主会集在旅游飞地。然而，大多数飞地的空间布局鼓励隔离，而不是欢庆和受益于其中的多样性。本文探讨了飞地边界旅游的起源发展。它提出边界工作作为一种可持续发展的做法，制定出分离倾向，并改变排斥边界或使它们更具渗透性。在墨西哥加勒比海飞地生平事迹的采访透露出隔离对于工作人员、企业主隐性成本和历史斗争边界上旅游业者亲身参与的可怕后果。这种分析构成整顿排外倾向和从可持续发展治理角度更可行的管理旅游业第一步。本文解释了为何需要研究可持续旅游业并明确机遇：（1）解决本身的歧视性做法所造成的创伤性经历，（2）把工人和企业主之间的敌对情绪转向跨边界的生产合作，以及（3）通过提供旅游演员以及物理、象征和想象维度的知识挑战权力的不对称。其结论是，任何个人代理人的影响有着深刻的限制；长期边界的转变需要可持续旅游业的深思熟虑的改革，成为多维非殖民化的力量。
Acknowledgments
Sincere thanks to all the people in Akumal (Pueblo and Playa) and Chemuyil who generously offered help, support, and valuable insights. Fieldwork was supported by a postdoctoral fellowship in Research Dimension 3: Socio-Ecological Inequality at desiguALdades.net at Freie Universität Berlin.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. Mestizos in Mexico are people of mixed indigenous and white background, but in Yucatan ethnic Maya people inhabiting “pacified” areas adopted the term for self-reference. The latter is the meaning used in this paper.
2. The name Roldan is a nickname to protect this informant's identity. With the exception of Allan, who gave consent to use his real name, all informants’ names are nicknames.
3. Thatched-roof Caribbean-style wooden huts.
4. Mestizaje in Mexico is the process of mixing of Indigenous, European and African ethnic groups.
5. A tract of land or village together with a group of Indians granted to a Spanish soldier or colonist to “take care of” and tax.
6. The milpa is a pre-Hispanic Meso-American multi-crop growing system.
7. A jato is a hut or palapa that Maya from Yucatan build in their milpas to stay overnight during cultivation and harvesting.
8. Key informants in Akumal Pueblo were the keepers of this and the other letters and petitions quoted below. Most of them have official rubber stamps from authorities acknowledging receipt.
9. INFONAVIT is a state agency that provides Mexican workers with access to housing. In 1992, INFONAVIT was transformed into a bank-like system and assumed the goal of lending as much as possible and earning a return on the investment (Monkkonen, 2011).
10. About US$15,000 total, or US$200 per square meter.
11. Extracted from the condo regulations document for Chemuyil produced by the Akumal Branch of the Mexican Hotel Association in 1994.